Off Phases: It’s All Relative(ized)
Abstract This paper argues that Phase Theory (Chomsky, 2000, 2001) can be subsumed by a theory of locality based on Relativized Minimality (Rizzi, 1990). Any phrase head can induce phase-like locality effects for a particular dependency, if it bears the relevant feature. C has no special status; while it reliably induces locality effects in A-bar dependencies, we find crosslinguistic variation in whether it induces locality for other dependencies. Phrases like TP induce locality effects for A-dependencies when they bear phi-features. Examining crosslinguistic patterns in long-distance A-dependencies, we tease apart the predictions of phase-based and minimality-based locality and show that minimality fares better.
Authors
- Claire Halpert (ORCID: https://orcid.org/0009-0005-7318-2305)
- Hedde Zeijlstra (ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1929-8743)
Institutions
- University of Minnesota (US)
- University of Göttingen (DE)
Publication Details
- Journal
- Linguistic Inquiry
- Published
- 2026-10-27
- DOI
- https://doi.org/10.1162/ling.a.616
- Primary Topic
- Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation
- Type
- article
- Field-Weighted Citation Impact
- 0.00