Double modals in English dialects and German: morphosyntactic variation and the distribution of infinitival properties

Abstract The present paper contrasts the properties of modal auxiliaries in Standard English, where there may only ever be one (finite) modal per clause, to grammatical systems which permit double modals: dialects of English as well as (Standard) German. German associates the hierarchically highest modal with finite properties and realizes all other modals as infinitival forms, whereas not all dialectal variants of English do the same. Rather, some of these associate the lower of the two modals with finite properties, apparently leaving the higher modal without finite properties. These contrasts in terms of the distribution of finite properties have consequences for a range of empirical phenomena: polar question formation and the formation of question tags, negation, intervening material, infinitival modal auxiliaries, and the formation of more complex modal clusters. Based on a critical evaluation of previous approaches, the following rich T-domain is argued to sufficiently grasp the relevant contrasts: $$\text {Mod}_{\textrm{epistemic}}> \text {T}> (\text {Neg} > )$$ Mod epistemic > T > ( Neg > ) $$\text {Mod}_{\textrm{deontic}}$$ Mod deontic (> Neg). The observable morphosyntactic variation is traced back to the parameterisation of functional features on the auxiliaries in question. An analysis along these lines eventually paves the way for the formulation of specific predictions concerning the interaction of certain parametric distinctions, which may be tested empirically and are likely to shed light not just on the competition of grammatical systems in the minds of speakers but crucially also the special status of English amongst the (West) Germanic languages as the only exponent lacking infinitival morphology.