One linker, many relations: unifying Mandarin de via qualia, events and crosslinguistic insights

Abstract This paper argues that prenominal Mandarin de in XP- de -NP constructions serves uniformly as a polymorphic semantic linker, despite its varied syntactic environments. We propose that de introduces an underspecified relation variable, R, which connects the XP to the NP’s individual argument. The admissible values of R derive from two sources: they are either supplied lexically by the noun through inherent or qualia-instantiated relations, or they arise from a small set of grammar-driven interface relations. We show that the semantic variation of XP- de -NP results from resolving R without positing lexical ambiguity. This framework further accounts for two pseudo-modification patterns without resorting to coercion. Duration pseudo-modification applies a duration modifier to a TELIC-derived event profile, while canonical fake nominal modification saturates a head-licensed, event-dependent qualia relation. Both combine with the verbal predicate via non-saturating Event-dependent Restrict. Modifier-ordering asymmetries follow from the preservation of qualia roles, dependencies among lexical relations and the distinction between lexical saturation and adjunct modification. Finally, the relation-variable mechanism is shown to be shared crosslinguistically with the English clitic ’s , although the latter is restricted to DP-like possessors. This unified account highlights de as a single polymorphic linker that systematically mediates XP-NP relations across diverse constructions.