Semantic transparency in the formation of denominal verbs in Czech

Abstract This study examines semantic transparency in Czech denominal verbs formed by conversion and parasynthesis. It builds on research assuming that the semantic transparency of a word formed by a given process depends on the relative frequency of the semantic function instantiated by that process in comparison with its other semantic functions (the Semantic Category Distribution Effect ; Gottfurcht 2008). The analysis uses a dataset of 1,079 converted verbs and 229 parasynthetic verbs, classified into ten semantic categories according to the role of the motivating noun in the verb’s meaning. The results show that the categories of action and state occur exclusively with conversion, while no converted verbs express the source category. Both processes display uneven distributions: within conversion, verbs expressing the action category are the most frequent, whereas parasynthesis is strongly biased towards the result category. In line with the Semantic Category Distribution Effect , the most transparent converted verbs are those expressing the action denoted by the base noun (e.g. bojovat ‘fight’), while in parasynthesis, resultative verbs (e.g. ovdovět ‘become a widow’) show the highest transparency. The study also examines prefixation patterns within parasynthesis. Czech employs 19 prefixes in denominal verb formation, but only three are linked to a single semantic function and thus fully transparent. The remaining prefixes are polyfunctional and unevenly distributed. A strong bias is observed for prefixes od- ( removed function), z- ( result ), and roz- ( result ). Consequently, verbs like odpeckovat ‘remove pits’ are more transparent than those expressing other functions with the same prefix.

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Publication Details

Journal
Morphology
Published
2026-09-10
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s11525-026-09467-4
Primary Topic
Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation
Type
article
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Semantic transparency in the formation of denominal verbs in Czech

Magda Ševčí­ková, Hana Hledíková
Morphology
Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation
article

Semantic transparency in the formation of denominal verbs in Czech

Magda Ševčí­ková, Hana Hledíková
article en

Abstract

Abstract This study examines semantic transparency in Czech denominal verbs formed by conversion and parasynthesis. It builds on research assuming that the semantic transparency of a word formed by a given process depends on the relative frequency of the semantic function instantiated by that process in comparison with its other semantic functions (the Semantic Category Distribution Effect ; Gottfurcht 2008). The analysis uses a dataset of 1,079 converted verbs and 229 parasynthetic verbs, classified into ten semantic categories according to the role of the motivating noun in the verb’s meaning. The results show that the categories of action and state occur exclusively with conversion, while no converted verbs express the source category. Both processes display uneven distributions: within conversion, verbs expressing the action category are the most frequent, whereas parasynthesis is strongly biased towards the result category. In line with the Semantic Category Distribution Effect , the most transparent converted verbs are those expressing the action denoted by the base noun (e.g. bojovat ‘fight’), while in parasynthesis, resultative verbs (e.g. ovdovět ‘become a widow’) show the highest transparency. The study also examines prefixation patterns within parasynthesis. Czech employs 19 prefixes in denominal verb formation, but only three are linked to a single semantic function and thus fully transparent. The remaining prefixes are polyfunctional and unevenly distributed. A strong bias is observed for prefixes od- ( removed function), z- ( result ), and roz- ( result ). Consequently, verbs like odpeckovat ‘remove pits’ are more transparent than those expressing other functions with the same prefix.

MorphologyVol. 36(1)
Charles University (CZ)
Openalex Percentile: Top 2%
Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation
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