Beyond Multipolarity: The Unilateral Hegemon and the Pluripolar World Order

ABSTRACT The conventional framing of an emerging multipolar world order obscures more than it reveals. This paper argues that the international system of 2026 is better characterised as one of fragmented unipolarity: the United States retains an unprecedented preponderance of military, financial, and technological power — a structural advantage measurably greater than at any point during the Cold War — while the political and normative architecture it constructed after 1945 is fragmenting under the combined pressure of great-power rivalry and, paradoxically, the unilateralist instincts of the hegemon itself. The paper develops this argument in four steps. First, it establishes that the United States remains the system's sole structural pole, as demonstrated by its forty per cent share of global defence expenditure, its unchallenged qualitative military lead over China, and the dollar's continuing dominance of the global financial architecture. Second, it introduces the concept of pluripolarity to describe the political layer overlying this structural reality: a configuration in which middle and regional powers pursue strategic autonomy through fluid, interest-based coalitions that shift as incentives converge or diverge, without constituting rival poles in any structurally meaningful sense. Third, it examines how American unilateralism simultaneously demonstrates US structural dominance and accelerates the erosion of the alliance infrastructure on which that dominance depends. Fourth, the paper identifies a set of under-appreciated strategic risks inherent in this configuration: the normalisation of military conflict and the precedent set by the targeted killing of a head of state; the perverse nuclear proliferation incentives created by hegemonic unilateralism; and, most consequentially, the proliferation of low-cost asymmetric instruments — geographic chokepoints, cyber tools, supply chain leverage — that allow structurally weaker actors to impose disproportionate costs on an increasingly isolated hegemon. The Strait of Hormuz is analysed as the paradigmatic case: Iran's demonstrated capacity to close it selectively, at minimal cost, and with immediate global economic consequences suggests that geographic leverage may substitute for nuclear deterrence in the short to medium term, with profound implications for non-proliferation policy. The paper concludes that the central danger of the current configuration is not the decline of US structural power but its progressive inconvertibility into political outcomes: an increasingly isolated hegemon with unrivalled coercive capacity but diminishing political reach, unable and unwilling to build and maintain a stable world order.

Authors

Publication Details

Journal
Zenodo (CERN European Organization for Nuclear Research)
Published
2026-07-18
DOI
https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.21431790
Primary Topic
International Relations and Foreign Policy
Type
article
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article

Beyond Multipolarity: The Unilateral Hegemon and the Pluripolar World Order

Bart Fonteyne
Zenodo (CERN European Organization for Nuclear Research)
International Relations and Foreign Policy
article

Beyond Multipolarity: The Unilateral Hegemon and the Pluripolar World Order

Bart Fonteyne
article en

Abstract

ABSTRACT The conventional framing of an emerging multipolar world order obscures more than it reveals. This paper argues that the international system of 2026 is better characterised as one of fragmented unipolarity: the United States retains an unprecedented preponderance of military, financial, and technological power — a structural advantage measurably greater than at any point during the Cold War — while the political and normative architecture it constructed after 1945 is fragmenting under the combined pressure of great-power rivalry and, paradoxically, the unilateralist instincts of the hegemon itself. The paper develops this argument in four steps. First, it establishes that the United States remains the system's sole structural pole, as demonstrated by its forty per cent share of global defence expenditure, its unchallenged qualitative military lead over China, and the dollar's continuing dominance of the global financial architecture. Second, it introduces the concept of pluripolarity to describe the political layer overlying this structural reality: a configuration in which middle and regional powers pursue strategic autonomy through fluid, interest-based coalitions that shift as incentives converge or diverge, without constituting rival poles in any structurally meaningful sense. Third, it examines how American unilateralism simultaneously demonstrates US structural dominance and accelerates the erosion of the alliance infrastructure on which that dominance depends. Fourth, the paper identifies a set of under-appreciated strategic risks inherent in this configuration: the normalisation of military conflict and the precedent set by the targeted killing of a head of state; the perverse nuclear proliferation incentives created by hegemonic unilateralism; and, most consequentially, the proliferation of low-cost asymmetric instruments — geographic chokepoints, cyber tools, supply chain leverage — that allow structurally weaker actors to impose disproportionate costs on an increasingly isolated hegemon. The Strait of Hormuz is analysed as the paradigmatic case: Iran's demonstrated capacity to close it selectively, at minimal cost, and with immediate global economic consequences suggests that geographic leverage may substitute for nuclear deterrence in the short to medium term, with profound implications for non-proliferation policy. The paper concludes that the central danger of the current configuration is not the decline of US structural power but its progressive inconvertibility into political outcomes: an increasingly isolated hegemon with unrivalled coercive capacity but diminishing political reach, unable and unwilling to build and maintain a stable world order.

Zenodo (CERN European Organization for Nuclear Research)
Openalex Percentile: Top 2%
International Relations and Foreign Policy
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