Anticausativization and lability in Late Latin

Abstract This paper investigates the effect of usage frequency on the alternation between anticausativization and lability in Late Latin. For many verbs entering the causal–noncausal alternation (‘John opens the door’ vs. ‘The door opens’), the intransitive alternant is either unmarked in lability or marked by the mediopassive voice or a reflexive pronoun. Previous research suggested that factors such as control, telicity, and Aktionsart influence the selection among these strategies. Drawing on a representative sample of Latin texts dating from 200 to 600 CE, this study offers corpus-based evidence on how these parameters align with the form–frequency correspondence principle. The data show that verbs with higher semantic transitivity tend to occur more frequently in their transitive alternant, and that control is a subject property more associated with transitive uses. I therefore argue that usage frequency plays a pivotal role in shaping transitivity in the diachrony of anticausativization and lability.

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Publication Details

Journal
Studies in Language
Published
2026-06-16
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.25027.ong
Primary Topic
Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation
Type
article
Field-Weighted Citation Impact
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article

Anticausativization and lability in Late Latin

Tim A.F. Ongenae
Studies in Language
Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation
article

Anticausativization and lability in Late Latin

Tim A.F. Ongenae
article en

Abstract

Abstract This paper investigates the effect of usage frequency on the alternation between anticausativization and lability in Late Latin. For many verbs entering the causal–noncausal alternation (‘John opens the door’ vs. ‘The door opens’), the intransitive alternant is either unmarked in lability or marked by the mediopassive voice or a reflexive pronoun. Previous research suggested that factors such as control, telicity, and Aktionsart influence the selection among these strategies. Drawing on a representative sample of Latin texts dating from 200 to 600 CE, this study offers corpus-based evidence on how these parameters align with the form–frequency correspondence principle. The data show that verbs with higher semantic transitivity tend to occur more frequently in their transitive alternant, and that control is a subject property more associated with transitive uses. I therefore argue that usage frequency plays a pivotal role in shaping transitivity in the diachrony of anticausativization and lability.

Studies in Language
Ghent University Hospital (BE)
Reduced inequalities
Openalex Percentile: Top 2%
Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation
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