Scenarios and Schemas in Tandem: Explaining Polysemy in English ‐ <i>er</i> and Korean <i>‐</i> <i>i</i>

ABSTRACT This article proposes a hybrid framework that merges Panther &amp; Thornburg's Scenario Model (SM) with Relational Morphology (RM) to account for the contrasting polysemy of English ‐er and Korean ‐ i . We propose that SM first flags whichever participant roles the discourse treats as salient. RM then stores every role that speakers actually conventionalize, representing each as a daughter schema in the existing lattice. Because all ‐ er daughters inherit the same phonology and morphosyntax from the mother schema, Agent and non‐Agent readings are equally motivated; which ones persist depends on discourse usefulness, not structural cost. For ‐i , speakers rapidly lexicalize an EVENT‐centered schema that inherits the suffix's fixed form. From this event hub, additional participant‐role daughters can be motivated with virtually no extra structural machinery, yielding a broader and more evenly populated polysemy.

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Publication Details

Journal
Studia Linguistica
Published
2026-05-21
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1111/stul.70017
Primary Topic
Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation
Type
article
Field-Weighted Citation Impact
0.00

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article

Scenarios and Schemas in Tandem: Explaining Polysemy in English ‐ er and Korean ‐ i

Chongwon Park, James Yoon
Studia Linguistica
Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation
article

Scenarios and Schemas in Tandem: Explaining Polysemy in English ‐ er and Korean ‐ i

Chongwon Park, James Yoon
article en

Abstract

ABSTRACT This article proposes a hybrid framework that merges Panther &amp; Thornburg's Scenario Model (SM) with Relational Morphology (RM) to account for the contrasting polysemy of English ‐er and Korean ‐ i . We propose that SM first flags whichever participant roles the discourse treats as salient. RM then stores every role that speakers actually conventionalize, representing each as a daughter schema in the existing lattice. Because all ‐ er daughters inherit the same phonology and morphosyntax from the mother schema, Agent and non‐Agent readings are equally motivated; which ones persist depends on discourse usefulness, not structural cost. For ‐i , speakers rapidly lexicalize an EVENT‐centered schema that inherits the suffix's fixed form. From this event hub, additional participant‐role daughters can be motivated with virtually no extra structural machinery, yielding a broader and more evenly populated polysemy.

Studia LinguisticaVol. 80(2)
University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign (US), Urbana University (US), University of Minnesota, Duluth (US)
Academy of Korean Studies
Quality Education
Openalex Percentile: Top 2%
Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation
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