On the Effects of Referentiality of Objects in Hindi–Urdu

This paper investigates how referentiality interacts with the syntax of Hindi–Urdu. It argues that three patterns, namely, object reduplication, association with the focus particle hī, and cross-clausal agreement, are manifestations of a single structural contrast determined by object shift. With our novel observations, we show that only objects that introduce discourse referents undergo displacement to a higher syntactic position, where they can trigger agreement or serve as associates of the focus particle hī. Reduplicated nominals, which lack referential features, must remain inside the VP and are consequently excluded from these dependencies. The analysis formalizes this correlation through a referential licensing condition that restricts movement to SpecvP to arguments bearing a referential feature [+Ref]. This condition derives the observed interactions between object shift and interpretation of the object. The resulting account integrates phenomena of agreement and focus with the semantics of specificity, offering a unified model of how referential interpretation is encoded in the clause structure of Hindi–Urdu.