A Theory of State–Criminal Negotiations: Evidence from Belize City and Medellín

Abstract Why do governments engage in public negotiations with criminal groups, which can be politically costly? I argue that three conditions are necessary for elected authorities to support public negotiations. First, elected authorities support negotiations when the relative conditions of criminal power make it easier to portray negotiations as superior to repression (repression failure frame) or as means to support disaffected youth (marginalisation frame). Second, dialogue brokers – that is, key individuals within government and civil society with know-how about criminal groups – shape government support by inserting concrete negotiation proposals into these frames. Third, electoral security for executive authorities incentivises them to support negotiations. I substantiate this argument by comparing cases in cities with contrasting state capacity and criminal sophistication, Belize City and Medellín.

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Publication Details

Journal
Journal of Latin American Studies
Published
2026-03-27
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x25101247
Primary Topic
Crime, Illicit Activities, and Governance
Type
article
Field-Weighted Citation Impact
0.00
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article

A Theory of State–Criminal Negotiations: Evidence from Belize City and Medellín

Angélica Durán-Martínez
Journal of Latin American Studies
Crime, Illicit Activities, and Governance
article

A Theory of State–Criminal Negotiations: Evidence from Belize City and Medellín

Angélica Durán-Martínez
article en

Abstract

Abstract Why do governments engage in public negotiations with criminal groups, which can be politically costly? I argue that three conditions are necessary for elected authorities to support public negotiations. First, elected authorities support negotiations when the relative conditions of criminal power make it easier to portray negotiations as superior to repression (repression failure frame) or as means to support disaffected youth (marginalisation frame). Second, dialogue brokers – that is, key individuals within government and civil society with know-how about criminal groups – shape government support by inserting concrete negotiation proposals into these frames. Third, electoral security for executive authorities incentivises them to support negotiations. I substantiate this argument by comparing cases in cities with contrasting state capacity and criminal sophistication, Belize City and Medellín.

Journal of Latin American Studies
University of Massachusetts Lowell (US)
Reduced inequalities
Openalex Percentile: Top 10%
Crime, Illicit Activities, and Governance
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