The over-representation of phonological features in basic vocabulary doesn’t replicate when controlling for spatial and phylogenetic effects

Abstract The statistical over-representation of certain phonological features in the basic vocabulary of languages is often interpreted as reflecting potentially universal sound symbolic patterns. However, most of these cases have not been tested explicitly for reproducibility and might be prone to biases in the study samples or models. Many studies on the topic do not adequately control for genealogical and areal dependencies between sampled languages, casting doubts on the robustness of the results. In this study, I test the robustness of a recent study on sound symbolism in basic vocabulary concepts which analyzed 245 languages. This paper adds a new sample of 2,864 languages from Lexibank. I modify the original model by adding statistical controls for spatial and phylogenetic dependencies between languages. The new results show that most of the previously observed patterns are not robust, and in fact many patterns disappear completely when adding the genealogical and areal controls. A small number of patterns, however, emerges as highly stable even with the new sample. Through the new analysis, it is possible to assess the distribution of sound symbolism on a larger scale than previously. The study further highlights the need for testing all universal claims on language for robustness on various levels.