Morphological change as systemically motivated bricolage: Hungarian impulsative constructions

Abstract While many languages have voluntary desiderative constructions expressing the intention of an agent argument to engage in an activity or action, a few languages have dedicated impulsative constructions expressing an urge or feeling to engage in an activity or action. Hungarian has developed an impulsative construction by reanalyzing a series of individual verbal affixes associated with the morphosyntactic properties potential, conditional and agreement, for example sír-hat-n-ék ‘I could cry’, into a composite nominalizing affix which means ‘an urge to Verb’ as in the derived noun sír-hatnék ‘an urge to cry’. On the basis of historical corpora we argue that this construction emerges from the interaction of several large and otherwise independent systemic changes in Hungarian grammar as well as by commonly attested cross-linguistic conversational implicatures concerning modal markers.

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Publication Details

Journal
Morphology
Published
2026-01-13
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1007/s11525-025-09451-4
Primary Topic
Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation
Type
article
Field-Weighted Citation Impact
0.00

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article

Morphological change as systemically motivated bricolage: Hungarian impulsative constructions

Robert Malouf, Farrell Ackerman, Ágnes Kalivoda
Morphology
Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation
article

Morphological change as systemically motivated bricolage: Hungarian impulsative constructions

Robert Malouf, Farrell Ackerman, Ágnes Kalivoda
article en

Abstract

Abstract While many languages have voluntary desiderative constructions expressing the intention of an agent argument to engage in an activity or action, a few languages have dedicated impulsative constructions expressing an urge or feeling to engage in an activity or action. Hungarian has developed an impulsative construction by reanalyzing a series of individual verbal affixes associated with the morphosyntactic properties potential, conditional and agreement, for example sír-hat-n-ék ‘I could cry’, into a composite nominalizing affix which means ‘an urge to Verb’ as in the derived noun sír-hatnék ‘an urge to cry’. On the basis of historical corpora we argue that this construction emerges from the interaction of several large and otherwise independent systemic changes in Hungarian grammar as well as by commonly attested cross-linguistic conversational implicatures concerning modal markers.

MorphologyVol. 36(1)
Eötvös Loránd University (HU), San Diego State University (US), ELTE Research Centre for Linguistics (HU), University of California San Diego (US)
Hungarian Scientific Research Fund, Nemzeti Kutatási, Fejlesztési és Innovaciós Alap
Quality Education
Openalex Percentile: Top 91%
Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation
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