Non-adjacency in phonosyntax: suffix alternations and auxiliary movement in Iranian Armenian

Abstract In Iranian Armenian, certain verbal suffixes display allomorphy or morphophonological alternations that are conditioned by the location of another word. These alternations are a phonosyntactic process, i.e., a syntax-sensitive morphophonological process. The choice of surface form for the perfective converb suffix depends on the location of an auxiliary. If the auxiliary is to the right of the suffix (with possible interveners), then the suffix uses the default form [-eɻ]. If the auxiliary is to the left of the suffix, then the marked form [-e] is used. The alternation cannot be reduced to phonology, and the verb and auxiliary must be part of same clause. Long-distance conditioning is also possible. The alternation can be analyzed as either a morphophonological process (floating segments) or as suppletion. Each analysis requires elaboration to pre-existing models of the phonology-syntax interface. The process-based analysis requires a traditional Direct Reference model, while the allomorphy analysis falsifies locality restrictions on allomorphy.