Multiple sources of movement-derived resumption: Evidence from Atchan

This paper argues for the existence of multiple mechanisms in the grammar that can give rise to resumption in syntactic movement. Empirical motivation for this split comes from extraction patterns in Atchan (Kwa, Côte d’Ivoire), where PP subextraction and subject extraction behave differently: all PP subextraction requires resumption, while subject extraction results in resumption only when a pronoun is extracted. I argue that the first pattern is best captured via a pronunciation requirement or stranding, while cliticization best captures the subject extraction pattern. I thus argue that these resumptive mechanisms are not incompatible, and that they have different empirical coverage.