The Best of Enemies. Diaries 1980–1997. By NormanFowler. London: Biteback Publishing. 2023. xv, 568 pp. Hardback. £25.00. ISBN 9781785908156

As a diarist, Norman Fowler is much like he was as a minister; a safe pair of hands. With this book, he expands our knowledge of the Thatcher and Major years, although his prose rarely soars. He is not a figure to be underestimated. He had considerable longevity as a politician; first elected to Parliament in 1970, serving for ten years in an influential cabinet, returning as chairman of the Conservative Party between 1992 and 1994, and finally serving in the house of lords as Lord Speaker from 2016 to 2021. Moreover, although never a hardcore Thatcherite, he was capable of regularly achieving standing ovations from the faithful at Tory party conferences. Fowler's assessment of his political contemporaries is nuanced. He regarded Thatcher as a great prime minister but a disastrous ex-prime minister. Her post-Downing Street interventions – particularly over Europe – undermined her successor and drove him to despair. Major, for his part, was extremely prickly and reluctant to take simple steps that might help bridge these very public divides. Furthermore, he was highly sensitive to media criticism, which only encouraged his foes in the press to sharpen their attacks. At a personal level, Fowler found Major much more amiable than Thatcher, although at times the two men's relationship became fractious as the crisis in the Conservative Party deepened. Fowler's own political views are hard to discern beyond his commitment to an efficient state, strong defence, law and order, and a moderate distaste for trade unions and the Labour Party. While he was not quite a technocrat – since he did possess sound political instincts – his overall approach could be described as managerial rather than ideological. Above all, Fowler deserves to be remembered for his brave and effective efforts when he led the Department of Health and Social Security (DHSS) in tackling the emergent HIV/AIDS crisis. Determined that public health advice be delivered on a large scale and in a non-judgmental manner – including explicit information regarding drug use and sexual practices – he had to override the objections of Thatcher and others, who felt that such measures amounted to an endorsement personal immorality. In 1990, Fowler stepped down from the cabinet at a time of his own choosing, stating that he wished to spend more time with his family. This phrase became a running joke in British politics and even earned him a place in the Oxford Dictionary of Political Quotations, due to the widespread assumption that a minister who declared such intentions must be hiding something or have an ulterior motive. Fowler was perfectly sincere, although he does acknowledge that the advent of Tony Blair, as his Labour shadow when he was Secretary of State for Employment, played a minor role in his decision. Being Chairman to John Major, and not to Margaret Thatcher, has one vast advantage … She was basically not interested in strengthening the party organisation. Some say she feared that it could be used as an alternative power base. At the end she succeeded in leaving the party in a very un-Thatcherite state – heavily in debt and overspending. Fowler devised a plan for a new Conservative Party board of directors and tried to encourage more women, businesspeople, and people over forty to join the candidates list. His reform efforts had some success, particularly on the financial side. Arguably, though, he could have acted more robustly in respect of dubious activities that occurred before he took over. Companies owned by the fraudster Asil Nadir had donated £440,000 to party funds between 1985 and 1990. After Nadir's empire collapsed, conservative central office came under pressure to return the cash, which had not been declared as legally required. Fowler's diary comment is blunt (p. 445): ‘I am not going to be bounced by a press campaign to repay the money which has long since been spent’. Overall, Fowler emerges from these diaries as a pragmatist with a strong caring side, albeit with a number of blind spots. Despite his lack of personal prejudice towards the LGBTQ community, the diaries do not register any concerns about the notorious Section 28 of the 1988 Local Government Act. This sought to forbid ‘the promotion of homosexuality’ and contributed to a culture of fear among gays and lesbians. Similarly, although he regarded the Community Charge (or Poll Tax) as an electoral liability, there is no indication that he was troubled by its fundamental inequity. By the end of the book, as Major's troubles deepen, Fowler appears increasingly disillusioned by the Tories’ apparent lack of governing competence and growing euroscepticism – despite not being a great Euro-enthusiast himself. Nevertheless, he carries on. As per his famous letter, his love for his family is not in doubt, but it is clear that politics – and party – have a real pull on his affection too.