Definite plurals in comparatives

This paper investigates the interpretation of comparative constructions containing definite plurals. We identify an asymmetry between the matrix clause and the than-clause. In the matrix clause, definite plurals give rise to a homogeneity effect, as expected by all theories of homogeneity. In contrast, definite plurals in the than-clause do not trigger such an effect; instead, their interpretation is typically similar to than-clauses containing universal quantifiers. Adopting the truth-value gap approach to homogeneity, we propose that the homogeneity presupposition is locally accommodated within the than-clause, yielding complementary truth conditions for affirmative and negative comparative constructions.