上古汉语“吾”、“我”的句法语义分工

第一人称代词“吾”“我”在上古汉语中经常共现，关于其分工缘由众说纷纭。通过对《左传》及《论语》 的穷尽性调查，本文发现“吾”“我”的句法语义分工主要体现为施通格：“吾”充当及物小句的 A，为施格；“我” 充当及物小句的 P 和不及物小句的 S，为通格。藏缅语的配列以分裂著称，该特点同样出现在古代汉语中。高自主 性及高话题度的 S 会使用“吾”，而低及物性和非实然的 A 会使用“我”。换言之，施事性越强越倾向用“吾”， 受事性越强越倾向用“我”。 In Archaic Chinese, the first-person pronouns wu (吾) and wo (我) can be observed to co-occur frequently, with their functional distinctions remaining debated. Through a comprehensive examination of their usages in Zuozhuan (左传) and Lunyu (论语), this study identifi es the primary diff erentiation, namely the ErgativeAbsolutive contrast: wu serves as the A role in a transitive clause, taking the ergative case, while wo functions as the P role in a transitive clause and the S role in an intransitive clause, taking the absolutive case. The split refl ects a key characteristic of the Sino-Tibetan morpho-syntactic alignment, as well as the Archaic Chinese. S roles with high degrees of volitionality and topicality in intransitive clauses tend to take the Ergative form wu, while A roles in low transitive or irrealis clauses are more likely to take the Absolutive form wo. In other words, the stronger the agentivity of the referent, the more likely wu is used, while stronger patientivity favors the use of wo.