Revisit <i>de re</i> presuppositions

This study investigates the availability of de re interpretations for presuppositions embedded under attitude predicates in Mandarin Chinese. While previous work has proposed substitution-based mechanisms to account for de re readings, I argue instead for a unified account grounded in accommodation. A picture-assisted acceptability judgment experiment tested four presupposition triggers in Mandarin: ye (‘also’), buzai (‘no longer’), jiu (‘only’), and yishidao (‘realize’) under vary-ing belief contexts. The results show that only ye and buzai allow de re readings in contexts where the subject either denies or is ignorant of the presupposed content. These two triggers are also used flexibly in contexts that do not fully entail their presuppositions. Together, these findings challenge substitution-based accounts and instead support a two-step accommodation process: an initial Weak Commitment Assumption (WCA), followed by a context-sensitive strengthening. I argue that de re presupposition is best understood as a function of contextual accommodation, rather than substitution.