Subjects with accusative Case in Japanese: Phasal transfer and anti-locality

This paper presents a new argument for phasal transfer and anti-locality based on an analysis of subjects with accusative Case in Japanese. I first show that the distribution of subjects with accusative Case closely interacts with the types of CPs: while both accusative subjects and those with the object marker no koto (henceforth accusative no koto subjects) are allowed with CPs headed by the Report head to (ReportP), only accusative no koto subjects are allowed with CPs headed by the Force head ka (ForceP). I then argue that the distribution of accusative and accusative no koto subjects results from phasal transfer and anti- locality: while phasal transfer allows accusative subjects to move out of ReportP into matrix VPs, the interaction of phasal transfer and anti-locality prevents accusative subjects from moving out of ForceP into matrix VPs. Accusative no koto subjects, which are base-generated within matrix VPs, are allowed with both ReportP and ForceP because their derivation does not involve movement that violates these constraints. I also suggest that when an accusative subject is licensed across a complex CP involving both the Report head to and Force head ka, to is externally pair-merged with ka, rendering the latter “invisible.” Implications for improper movement are also discussed.