Negative stripping under sprouting in Spanish

Negative stripping refers to cases where a full clause coordinates with a lexical phrase (XP) which is modified by negation (John ate the apples but not the pears). In Spanish, negation (NEG) may follow or precede the XP. While the order XP-NEG uncontroversially involves clausal ellipsis (Depiante 2000), plenty of analyses have been proposed for NEG-XP. In this paper, I claim, based on previous research (cf. Fernández-Sánchez 2019) as well as on new data, that while these strings are better analyzed as what-you-see-is-what-you-get structures, not all NEG-XP sequences are amenable to such an analysis. In particular, I focus on NEG-XP strings under sprouting, i.e. cases where the XP has no correlate in the preceding clause (John ate, but not the apples). For these cases, I defend that they must involve clausal ellipsis coupled with rightward movement of the remnant XP within the to-be-deleted clause. The implication is that, contrary to what is often assumed, the internal make-up of stripping in Spanish cannot be determined a priori based on the word order of NEG and XP, at least not completely: the generalization is that XP-NEG always corresponds to a structure involving clausal ellipsis, while NEG-XP sequences are not always cases of constituent coordination.

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Publication Details

Journal
Isogloss Open Journal of Romance Linguistics
Published
2025-11-12
DOI
https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/isogloss.573
Primary Topic
Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation
Type
article
Field-Weighted Citation Impact
0.00

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article

Negative stripping under sprouting in Spanish

Javier Fernández‐Sánchez
Isogloss Open Journal of Romance Linguistics
Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation
article

Negative stripping under sprouting in Spanish

Javier Fernández‐Sánchez
article en

Abstract

Negative stripping refers to cases where a full clause coordinates with a lexical phrase (XP) which is modified by negation (John ate the apples but not the pears). In Spanish, negation (NEG) may follow or precede the XP. While the order XP-NEG uncontroversially involves clausal ellipsis (Depiante 2000), plenty of analyses have been proposed for NEG-XP. In this paper, I claim, based on previous research (cf. Fernández-Sánchez 2019) as well as on new data, that while these strings are better analyzed as what-you-see-is-what-you-get structures, not all NEG-XP sequences are amenable to such an analysis. In particular, I focus on NEG-XP strings under sprouting, i.e. cases where the XP has no correlate in the preceding clause (John ate, but not the apples). For these cases, I defend that they must involve clausal ellipsis coupled with rightward movement of the remnant XP within the to-be-deleted clause. The implication is that, contrary to what is often assumed, the internal make-up of stripping in Spanish cannot be determined a priori based on the word order of NEG and XP, at least not completely: the generalization is that XP-NEG always corresponds to a structure involving clausal ellipsis, while NEG-XP sequences are not always cases of constituent coordination.

Isogloss Open Journal of Romance LinguisticsVol. 11(7)
Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona (ES)
Agència de Gestió d'Ajuts Universitaris i de Recerca
Openalex Percentile: Top 59%
Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation
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