Syntax and Semantics of Bound Variable Anaphora in Quirky Binding

This paper demonstrates that the Korean reflexives caki 'self' and caki-casin 'self-self' exhibit distinct semantic behaviors across eight analytical contexts, which can be systematically explained by LF (Logical Form) movement of the relevant quantificational phrases (QPs). Crucially, caki is interpreted via intended coreference, relying on contextual cues to link with its antecedent, whereas caki-casin is strictly anaphoric, bound to a syntactically accessible antecedent. Semantically, caki acts as a free variable, allowing flexible reference depending on context, while caki-casin is tightly bound to a specific linguistic antecedent. This difference extends to variable binding: caki induces bound-variable readings only in non-local contexts, whereas caki-casin supports bound-variable interpretations in both local and non-local domains. They also differ in semantic interpretations: caki permits both covariant and invariant readings, reflecting interpretive flexibility, while caki-casin allows only covariant readings, indicating a more rigid interaction with quantificational structures. Diagnostic tests reinforce this asymmetry. The even test shows distinct presuppositional effects for each reflexive, highlighting their semantic divergence. The only test reveals different truth-conditional outcomes when a quantificational NP headed by only serves as an antecedent, supporting their non-equivalence. Regarding thought attribution, caki typically induces direct thought interpretations, aligning with the subject's internal perspective, while caki-casin favors indirect thought, implying mediated or reported perspective. Finally, caki can carry its own reference in discourse, functioning autonomously, whereas caki-casin requires anchoring to an explicit antecedent. This further underscores their semantic non-parallelism.