Consonant clusters in Qassimi Arabic: analysis from optimality theory and sonority principles

Abstract Consonant clusters in Qassimi Arabic (QA) exhibit distinct patterns of adherence to and deviation from the Sonority Sequencing Principle (SSP), analyzed here using Optimality Theory (OT). This study identifies three sonority profiles in QA clusters: falling, equal, and rising. While coda clusters generally conform to the SSP, onset clusters often violate it, which OT constraints effectively explain. Rising sonority violations in coda clusters are resolved through vowel epenthesis, whereas falling or equal sonority clusters of two obstruents require no epenthesis. The choice of the epenthetic vowel is influenced by vowel harmony and the place of articulation of adjacent consonants. Additionally, QA clusters reveal unique characteristics regarding minimal sonority distance: zero in coda clusters and (-1) in onset clusters. Through OT, the interplay of markedness and faithfulness constraints determines optimal cluster formation. For QA onset clusters, constraints are ranked as ONS >> SyllCon >> *V(short)]σ >> SSP >> LINEARITY >> Comp-Ons >> MAX-IO >> DEP-IO, while for coda clusters, the ranking is ONS >> *V(short)]σ >> SSP >> *i[-Pahr] >> Comp-Ons >> MAX-IO >> DEP-IO. This research sheds light on SSP violations, vowel epenthesis, and their governance in QA, enriching our understanding of its phonological structure.