Is rate-dependent perception affected by linguistic information about the intended syllable rate?

Speech is highly variable in rate, challenging the perception of sound contrasts that are dependent on duration. Listeners deal with such variability by perceiving incoming speech relative to the rate in the surrounding context. For instance, the same ambiguous vowel is more likely to be perceived as being long when embedded in a fast sentence, but as short when embedded in a slow sentence. However, it is still debated to what extent domain-general and domain-specific mechanisms (i.e., language- or speech-specific mechanisms) contribute to rate-dependent perception. Here we examined the role of domain-specific mechanisms in an implicit rate-normalization task in which we manipulated linguistic knowledge about how many syllables words have. Dutch participants were presented with lists of Dutch words that were acoustically ambiguous with regard to having one or two syllables (e.g., /k?'lɔm/ can be monosyllabic klom, /klɔm/, or bisyllabic kolom, /ko.'lɔm/). While being presented with these ambiguous word lists, they saw monosyllabic or bisyllabic transcriptions of the lists on the screen. We predicted that the same acoustic stimulus would be perceived as faster (more syllables per second) when combined with bisyllabic orthography compared to monosyllabic orthography. In turn, this would lead to downstream influences on vowel length perception in target words embedded within the word lists (rate-dependent perception of Dutch /ɑ/ vs./ /aː/). Despite evidence of successful orthographic disambiguation of the ambiguous word lists, we did not find evidence that linguistic knowledge influenced participants' rate-dependent perception. Our results are best accounted for by a domain-general account of rate-dependent perception.

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Publication Details

Journal
Psychonomic Bulletin & Review
Published
2025-09-25
DOI
https://doi.org/10.3758/s13423-025-02746-x
Primary Topic
Phonetics and Phonology Research
Type
article
Field-Weighted Citation Impact
0.00

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article

Is rate-dependent perception affected by linguistic information about the intended syllable rate?

Hans Rutger Bosker, James M. McQueen, Giulio G.A. Severijnen
Psychonomic Bulletin & Review
Phonetics and Phonology Research
article

Is rate-dependent perception affected by linguistic information about the intended syllable rate?

Hans Rutger Bosker, James M. McQueen, Giulio G.A. Severijnen
article en

Abstract

Speech is highly variable in rate, challenging the perception of sound contrasts that are dependent on duration. Listeners deal with such variability by perceiving incoming speech relative to the rate in the surrounding context. For instance, the same ambiguous vowel is more likely to be perceived as being long when embedded in a fast sentence, but as short when embedded in a slow sentence. However, it is still debated to what extent domain-general and domain-specific mechanisms (i.e., language- or speech-specific mechanisms) contribute to rate-dependent perception. Here we examined the role of domain-specific mechanisms in an implicit rate-normalization task in which we manipulated linguistic knowledge about how many syllables words have. Dutch participants were presented with lists of Dutch words that were acoustically ambiguous with regard to having one or two syllables (e.g., /k?'lɔm/ can be monosyllabic klom, /klɔm/, or bisyllabic kolom, /ko.'lɔm/). While being presented with these ambiguous word lists, they saw monosyllabic or bisyllabic transcriptions of the lists on the screen. We predicted that the same acoustic stimulus would be perceived as faster (more syllables per second) when combined with bisyllabic orthography compared to monosyllabic orthography. In turn, this would lead to downstream influences on vowel length perception in target words embedded within the word lists (rate-dependent perception of Dutch /ɑ/ vs./ /aː/). Despite evidence of successful orthographic disambiguation of the ambiguous word lists, we did not find evidence that linguistic knowledge influenced participants' rate-dependent perception. Our results are best accounted for by a domain-general account of rate-dependent perception.

Psychonomic Bulletin & ReviewVol. 32(6)
Radboud University Nijmegen (NL), Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics (NL)
European Commission
Openalex Percentile: Top 73%
Phonetics and Phonology Research
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