Latent High Tones in Limba (Thɔnkɔ Dialect), Sierra Leone

This paper presents an analysis of the rather unusual tone system of the almost totally undocumented Thɔnkɔ /t̪ɔŋkɔ/ dialect of Limba, a Niger-Congo language of Sierra Leone (and slight overlap into Guinée). As we will show, most words are all low tone in their citation form, but exhibit a wide range of tonal contrasts with different high tones popping up when words occur in context. We will illustrate, step by step, how the observed facts justify the proposed contrastive underlying forms and reveal tonal alternations which are best treated with such abstract representations. To show the opaqueness of the widespread tonal neutralization within the system which results from Final High Lowering (FHL), we begin with the interaction of nouns and their adnominal modifiers and then turn to the verb phrase and the clause. We show that the L% boundary tone triggering FHL occurs at the end of declarative and imperative utterances as well as yes-no questions but, interestingly, not at the end of WH questions.

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Publication Details

Journal
Berkeley Papers in Formal Linguistics
Published
2025-09-03
DOI
https://doi.org/10.5070/bf2.50758
Citations
1
Primary Topic
Phonetics and Phonology Research
Type
article
Field-Weighted Citation Impact
2.12
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article

Latent High Tones in Limba (Thɔnkɔ Dialect), Sierra Leone

Larry M. Hyman, Daniel Kamara
1 citations
Berkeley Papers in Formal Linguistics
Phonetics and Phonology Research
2.12
article

Latent High Tones in Limba (Thɔnkɔ Dialect), Sierra Leone

Larry M. Hyman, Daniel Kamara
article en
1 citations

Abstract

This paper presents an analysis of the rather unusual tone system of the almost totally undocumented Thɔnkɔ /t̪ɔŋkɔ/ dialect of Limba, a Niger-Congo language of Sierra Leone (and slight overlap into Guinée). As we will show, most words are all low tone in their citation form, but exhibit a wide range of tonal contrasts with different high tones popping up when words occur in context. We will illustrate, step by step, how the observed facts justify the proposed contrastive underlying forms and reveal tonal alternations which are best treated with such abstract representations. To show the opaqueness of the widespread tonal neutralization within the system which results from Final High Lowering (FHL), we begin with the interaction of nouns and their adnominal modifiers and then turn to the verb phrase and the clause. We show that the L% boundary tone triggering FHL occurs at the end of declarative and imperative utterances as well as yes-no questions but, interestingly, not at the end of WH questions.

Berkeley Papers in Formal LinguisticsVol. 4(1)
University of California, Berkeley (US)
Openalex Percentile: Top 11%
Phonetics and Phonology Research
2.12
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