The Position of Clitics in Slovene Imperatives Is Not Special

In general, Slovene clitics occur in the second, so-called Wackernagel position of the clause. However, Slovene is exceptional among Wackernagel languages in that the clitic cluster may also occupy the clause-initial position. Imperative sentences have been argued to form an exception to this exception, again allowing the clitic cluster only in the second position. In this paper, we present corpus data that speaks against this second-order exception. We categorize the imperative clauses containing initial clitic clusters found in the corpora into three classes: modally subordinated imperatives, imperatives containing the adversative or the concessive particle, and imperatives occuring as a step in an instruction. We argue that all three classes involve a covert anaphoric element residing in the clause-initial position, yielding an illusion of a clause-initial clitic cluster. In conclusion, initial clitic clusters in Slovene imperatives are not ungrammatical but merely uncommon, and their distribution is ultimately governed by the discourse. We also make a theoretical point, emphasizing that the presented analysis offers support to the view that all discursive information must be represented in syntax.

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Journal
Languages
Published
2025-08-29
DOI
https://doi.org/10.3390/languages10090217
Primary Topic
Linguistics and language evolution
Type
article
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article

The Position of Clitics in Slovene Imperatives Is Not Special

Sašo Živanović, Ema Štarkl
Languages
Linguistics and language evolution
article

The Position of Clitics in Slovene Imperatives Is Not Special

Sašo Živanović, Ema Štarkl
article en

Abstract

In general, Slovene clitics occur in the second, so-called Wackernagel position of the clause. However, Slovene is exceptional among Wackernagel languages in that the clitic cluster may also occupy the clause-initial position. Imperative sentences have been argued to form an exception to this exception, again allowing the clitic cluster only in the second position. In this paper, we present corpus data that speaks against this second-order exception. We categorize the imperative clauses containing initial clitic clusters found in the corpora into three classes: modally subordinated imperatives, imperatives containing the adversative or the concessive particle, and imperatives occuring as a step in an instruction. We argue that all three classes involve a covert anaphoric element residing in the clause-initial position, yielding an illusion of a clause-initial clitic cluster. In conclusion, initial clitic clusters in Slovene imperatives are not ungrammatical but merely uncommon, and their distribution is ultimately governed by the discourse. We also make a theoretical point, emphasizing that the presented analysis offers support to the view that all discursive information must be represented in syntax.

LanguagesVol. 10(9)
University of Ljubljana (SI), University of Nova Gorica (SI)
Openalex Percentile: Top 71%
Linguistics and language evolution
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