On the Representation of <i>Wh</i> -Words and Foci: Evidence from Mixtec

In this article, I explore the consequences of a crosslinguistic preference for wh-words to move across a more local focus in languages where they compete for a single position. On the basis of novel data from San Martín Peras Mixtec (Otomanguean, Mexico), I show that this general pattern not only reflects the behavior of exhaustive foci, but in fact applies more generally to all types of foci that move syntactically. I account for this preference by positing that both foci and wh-words move when in the scope of some particle that is sensitive to the alternatives they introduce (alternative particles). Wh-words are in the scope of a question particle (Cable 2010), and foci are in the scope of other particles sensitive to alternatives. Q-particles bear the features [Q] and [ALT], while other Alt-particles only bear [ALT]. A probe relativized to the Ā-feature geometry [uALT-uQ] will Agree cyclically (Béjar and Rezac 2009), first searching for the most specific segment of the probe ([uQ]), copying the entire feature bundle of a goal that bears that feature. If no goal bears [Q], [uALT] probes to find the most local Alt-particle. I argue that this analysis is superior to ones that posit distinct heads that probe for wh-words and foci independently. Finally, I show that the pattern cannot be reduced to a focus intervention effect.

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Publication Details

Journal
Linguistic Inquiry
Published
2025-08-15
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1162/ling.a.64
Primary Topic
Language and cultural evolution
Type
article
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article

On the Representation of Wh -Words and Foci: Evidence from Mixtec

Andrew Hedding
Linguistic Inquiry
Language and cultural evolution
article

On the Representation of Wh -Words and Foci: Evidence from Mixtec

Andrew Hedding
article en

Abstract

In this article, I explore the consequences of a crosslinguistic preference for wh-words to move across a more local focus in languages where they compete for a single position. On the basis of novel data from San Martín Peras Mixtec (Otomanguean, Mexico), I show that this general pattern not only reflects the behavior of exhaustive foci, but in fact applies more generally to all types of foci that move syntactically. I account for this preference by positing that both foci and wh-words move when in the scope of some particle that is sensitive to the alternatives they introduce (alternative particles). Wh-words are in the scope of a question particle (Cable 2010), and foci are in the scope of other particles sensitive to alternatives. Q-particles bear the features [Q] and [ALT], while other Alt-particles only bear [ALT]. A probe relativized to the Ā-feature geometry [uALT-uQ] will Agree cyclically (Béjar and Rezac 2009), first searching for the most specific segment of the probe ([uQ]), copying the entire feature bundle of a goal that bears that feature. If no goal bears [Q], [uALT] probes to find the most local Alt-particle. I argue that this analysis is superior to ones that posit distinct heads that probe for wh-words and foci independently. Finally, I show that the pattern cannot be reduced to a focus intervention effect.

Linguistic Inquiry
Center for Applied Linguistics (US)
Openalex Percentile: Top 74%
Language and cultural evolution
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On the Representation of <i>Wh</i> -Words and Foci: Evidence from Mixtec — Andrew Hedding · Linguistic Inquiry (2025) | TGRS Research Map | TGRS