On the syntax and semantics of parasitic gaps in relative clauses formed by extraction from noun phrases: An argument for successive-cyclicity in the NP

This paper examines a particular variety of parasitic gap (PG) in English that appears in relative clauses, licensed by extraction from the relativized NP. I argue that this little-studied construction has several potential implications for linguistic theory, particularly regarding the syntax of nominal phrases. Many works argue that movement is successive-cyclic when exiting phases, which constrain the length of syntactic dependencies. Generally, vP, CP, and occasionally DP are taken to be phases. Some research in both syntax and morpho-phonology argues that there is also a phase below D, which essentially corresponds to NP. If NP is a phase, we predict that movement from it must pass successive-cyclically through its edge. I argue that the possibility of such movement is revealed by PGs in relative clauses licensed by extraction from NP. This conclusion follows from two independently-supported hypotheses: 1. relative clauses are adjoined to NP, below determiners/quantifiers, and 2. PG interpretation requires successive-cyclic movement of the licensing phrase through the edge of the phrase to which the PG-container adjoins. While this result does not prove that NPs are phases for which successive-cyclic movement is required, it does demonstrate that such movement is at least possible. I go on to argue that such PGs in relative clauses are compatible with relativization via operator movement or matching derivations, but not head-raising ones. I conclude by exploring consequences for theories about movement and locality in the nominal domain.