The Slave Registry of Mayagüez, Puerto Rico, 1872

Dataset CreatorsRigoberto Andino, Jr., Borough of Manhattan Community College, City University of New YorkThe 1872 Slave Registry1 dataset for Mayagüez offers a valuable resource for conducting research and analysis related to the history of slavery in Puerto Rico. This dataset, which is a subset of a larger registry that covers the entire island, provides detailed information on approximately 2,580 enslaved individuals in Mayagüez, the third largest slave precinct on the island during that period. The dataset consists of 51,600 entries recorded in nineteenth-century Spanish calligraphy, covering twenty-two fields that include information on the township, name, origin, manumission status, community, enslaver, kinship ties, occupation and physiognomic characteristics of the enslaved.One key use of the dataset is its ability to illustrate the spatial distribution of the enslaved population in Mayagüez. The dataset tracks the distribution of enslaved individuals across 36 neighborhoods within the township. These communities included Algarrobo, Batayes, Guanajibo, Isla De Mona e Islote Monito, Juan Alonso, Leguizamo, Limón, Malezas, Mayagüez Arriba, Mayagüez Pueblo, Miradero, Montoso, Naranjales, Quebrada Grande, Quemado, Rio Caña Arriba, Rio Hondo, Rosario, Sabalos, Sabanetas, Candelaria, Cárcel, Marina Septentrional, Marina Meridional, Río, Salud, Balboa, Barcelona, El Seco, El Liceo, El Pueblo, La Mineral, La Quinta, Paris, and Trastalleres. By examining the barrios in which the enslaved were registered, researchers can gain a better understanding of how slave labor was organized in relation to plantation and urban production. This geographical distribution offers insights into the interconnected nature of plantation labor and urban slave duties, highlighting their role in the commodity production process. It indicates that domestic and skilled labor, typically classified as urban, predominantly occurred in areas associated with cash crop production rather than in conventional urban centers.The dataset also provides a demographic breakdown of the enslaved population in Mayagüez. It shows that there were 1,320 enslaved females and 1,260 enslaved males. Furthermore, it reveals that 233 of the enslaved individuals were born outside of Puerto Rico, whereas the majority (2,347) were born on the island. The dataset also highlights the range of labor duties performed by the enslaved, with 1,692 listed as field laborers, 420 with no recorded labor duties, and 468 engaged in urban labor. The age range of the enslaved individuals in the dataset is from 1 to 67, with the largest demographic between the ages of 1 and 17. The dataset documents that most of the enslaved individuals in the younger age group were not listed with an occupation. In contrast, older individuals were more frequently listed as either field or urban laborers. Specifically, out of 850 young individuals, 413 were noted as not working or having no assigned duties, while 345 were identified as field laborers and 92 as urban laborers. This suggests that although a significant portion of the young enslaved population was engaged in labor, a notable number were not yet formally assigned any work at all.There have been various studies that have utilized the vast amount of data provided by the registry. One study conducted by Mariano Negrón Portillo and Raúl Maya Santana, titled 'La esclavitud urbana en San Juan,' delves into the subject of urban slavery. Using the registry, Negrón Portillo and Maya Santana (1992) emphasize the prevalence of urban slave labor among the enslaved individuals living in San Juan in 1872. Their focus lies primarily on the experiences of these enslaved individuals, the social dynamics of slavery, and the influence of urbanization on the enslaved population. By extrapolating data from the registry, they highlight the unique characteristics of San Juan compared to other townships, as it had a substantial urban slave labor population unlike other areas that were primarily dependent on plantation-based economies.Another study by Negrón Portillo and Mayo Santana, published in 2007 and titled 'La esclavitud menor: la esclavitud en los municipios del interior de Puerto Rico en el siglo XIX,' utilizes the registry to provide a comprehensive overview of slavery in Puerto Rico's rural regions. This research explores the lesser-known aspects of slavery in the island's inland municipalities during the nineteenth century. Building upon their previous study on urban slavery, they delve into the less-explored aspects of slavery on the island, shedding light on the lives of enslaved individuals and their contributions to these communities.The dataset of the 1872 Slave Registry for Mayagüez can provide similar information that Negrón Portillo and Mayo Santana illustrated for their studies for the township of San Juan and the lesser rural townships in Puerto Rico. For instance, Negrón Portillo and Mayo Santana considered in their work the oficio, or the occupation, recorded for each enslaved individual. The documented occupations of enslaved individuals underscore the diverse range of labor responsibilities they were compelled to perform. Furthermore, the specific occupation assigned to each enslaved person was intricately linked to other categories within the registry. For example, the documented occupation was linked to the nombre del dueño, or the name of the enslaver. This entry in the dataset indicated the number of enslaved individuals under each enslaver's ownership, offering a view of the scale of their operations, whether a farm or a small, medium, or large plantation. The relationship between the listed occupations of enslaved individuals and their owners highlights how the enslaved were distributed throughout the township of Mayagüez. Specifically, 2,580 enslaved individuals were spread across 488 enslavers, with 345 of these slaveholders being male and 141 female. Of the total, approximately 1 percent owned fifty or more enslaved people, with the vast majority of these owners being male. The patterns of slave ownership and the distribution of enslaved peoples’ occupations in Mayagüez reflect similar trends found in other parts of the Atlantic slave system. The township was not an exception to the pattern where jornaleros, or field laborers, constituted the majority of those in larger slave holdings.The connection between the occupations of enslaved people and ownership patterns within the township provides valuable insights into its economic and social dynamics. For example, domestic laborers or skilled tradespersons like carpenters and bakers were held by enslavers who held varying numbers of captives. This relationship reflects the social hierarchies and economic structures of the time. The presence of enslaved individuals with specialized skills suggests that their owners were likely involved in specific economic activities that required expert artisanal work or domestic services. Conversely, the predominance of enslaved individuals in agricultural labor underscores the economic dominance of plantation agriculture in the township. By analyzing the scale of slaveholding alongside types of labor enslaved people were forced to engage in, we gain a more nuanced understanding of how enslaved populations were integrated into the economic fabric of Mayagüez. This analysis also highlights the spatial distribution of labor within the township.The 1872 Slave Registry dataset for Mayagüez reveals intriguing details about the relational dynamics within its various fields. Notably, when examining the 'Oficio,' there emerges a significant pattern that owners with the largest number of enslaved individuals were generally located in geographical locations conducive for the production of sugarcane and its byproducts. That said, Mayagüez’s plantation economy was diverse, including the cultivation of coffee and other cash crops. Some of the largest slave holdings were located by the coast and whereas others were positioned in mountainous areas that included a waterway, reflecting growing climates for different crops. The data help to more clearly illustrate the geography of commodity production.2Moreover, the dataset shows that slave holdings were diversified and dispersed throughout different barrios, communities, or wards. Despite the existence of large plantations, in fact only a small fraction of owners partook in extensive commodity production the majority held smaller numbers of enslaved individuals.Adding further depth to the dataset are the intricate details of communities such as Sabaneta, Guanajibo, Algarrobo, Miradero, and Candelaria, which are ripe for comparison. A key observation emerged from the dataset: although Candelaria appears to have limited involvement in plantation production due to its smaller slave holdings and emphasis on domestic labor, Miradero showcases a different picture. Miradero likely housed small-scale farming or gardening activities within its boundaries, evidenced by the presence of field laborers. Conversely, the eastern part of Mayagüez and Naranjales played a crucial role in the cultivation of sugar and coffee, with a notable contingent of enslaved individuals actively engaged in these endeavors. This dataset paints a vivid picture of the intricate dynamics and diverse landscapes within these communities.Examined together, the three fields of occupation, enslaver, and neighborhood collectively illuminate different aspects of slavery. Notably, it becomes apparent that the majority of medium and smaller slave holdings featured diverse occupations. Field laborers, carpenters, gardeners, domestics, and individuals with semi-skilled occupations were held on the same property. Generally, these smaller farms appeared to be dedicated to coffee production or engaged in small-scale cultivation of sugarcane and its associated byproducts, namely molasses and rum. These observations offer a valuable understanding of the intricate relationship between labor, spatial production, and the diverse practices inherent in the institution of slavery during this period.A notable trend found in the Mayagüez dataset confirms how deeply intertwined Puerto Rico's history is with plantation economies. This connection reveals the vital role that these agricultural practices have played in shaping the lives and communities within the township. Conversely, smaller holdings were associated with small farms or urban labor. This pattern underscores the significant presence of plantation activity within the township. Additionally, the dataset highlights that while large slave holdings existed, they constituted a smaller percentage compared to small and medium holdings, further emphasizing the prevalence of plantation activity.An interesting finding derived from examining the “Natural de” or 'native of' field in the dataset is that most enslaved individuals listed were born in Puerto Rico. This suggests that only a few were brought to the island during the period. When analyzing the “edad” or “age” field, it becomes apparent that enslaved people born outside of Puerto Rico were primarily middle-aged individuals from Africa, whereas those from other places exhibited a wider range of ages.Furthermore, when accounting for the relationship between age, gender, and labor, the dataset reveals that there were more females than males among the enslaved population. Although genders were predominately listed as field laborers, women were also recorded in roles such as domestic service or other forms of labor outside of the plantation system. This information sheds light on the demographics and labor dynamics within the enslaved population of Mayagüez during the period it was recorded.Examining the age distribution in relation to labor in Mayagüez reveals the exploitation of child labor among the enslaved population. A significant number of slaves between the ages of 1 and 17 were registered as field laborers, indicating that they were compelled to work at a young age. Older individuals were predominantly assigned roles in plantation or urban labor.The dataset sheds light on the complex dynamics of race through its categorization of color and inclusion of physiognomic characteristics. A spectrum of color categories was used to describe the enslaved population, with some categories not solely indicative of skin color. Terms such as mulato/a, grifo/a, and others suggest that a notion of pseudo-biological mixture was utilized to classify individuals.3 Terms like 'mulatta/o' reveal the intricate interplay between social hierarchies based on racial and gender categories and the social production of space. The dataset's color spectrum reveals a correlation between color and labor assignments, with individuals classified as “black,” or negro/a, being predominantly assigned as field laborers and with mulata women being more likely to be assigned domestic work. The register includes physical features such as the size of the nose and mouth and hair textures. These details offer valuable information on the understanding and utilization of race during the era of slavery, highlighting how physical features were used to categorize enslaved individuals.Tthe categories in the registry reinforced and dictated the specific mode of production and social dynamics of the time.In conclusion, the dataset provides valuable insights into the diversity and dynamics of slavery in Mayagüez. By examining the patterns of slave ownership, labor distribution, and categorization based on race, gender, and physiognomic characteristics, we gain a deeper understanding of the social, economic, and spatial dynamics of the mid-late nineteenth century in Puerto Rico. The dataset illuminates how the institution of slavery intersected with plantation economies, with large slave holdings primarily dedicated to plantation production, while smaller holdings were associated with small farms or urban labor. The dataset also aligns with other evidence of the subjective and arbitrary nature of racial classifications, highlighting the impact of socially constructed prejudices on the categorizations made by individuals, and sheds light on the significant role of enslaved women in the economy, particularly in domestic and semi-skilled labor, despite their predominant listing as field laborers.The dataset holds significant potential for genealogical research, offering opportunities to explore the ancestral history of formerly enslaved individuals. Together with other resources, from national archives and online genealogical platforms, this dataset can be a valuable tool for tracing and understanding the lives of enslaved individuals and their descendants.In essence, this dataset provides a vital basis for interdisciplinary research, shedding light on the historical, social, and spatial aspects of slavery in Mayagüez, Puerto Rico. It not only enriches our understanding of the past but also provides a platform for exploring the ongoing legacies and resonances of slavery in contemporary society.2015-2017Spanish, EnglishMayagüez, Puerto Rico1872Census or RegisterSecretaria Del Gobierno Superior Civil De La Isla De Puerto-Rico, Registro Central De Esclavos, Cuarto Departamento, Archivo General y Biblioteca Nacional de Puerto Rico (San Juan: Gonzalez, Impresor Del Gobierno, 1872), 418-1064.The dataset for the 1872 Slave Registry for Mayagüez was created as a subset from the larger 1872 Slave Registry for Puerto Rico held at the Archivo General de Puerto Rico (AGPR) . The dataset came into being at the suggestion of the late Joseph Dorsey, who suggested that I conduct my research on the township of Mayagüez. He recommended that I use the 1872 Slave Registry for Mayagüez as a starting point for analyzing the third largest slave precinct in Puerto Rico. My initial research interest was slavery, slave rebellions, and banditry in Mayagüez in the late nineteenth century. Around 2014, I obtained copies of the digitized version of the 1872 Slave Registry for Mayagüez from the National Archives. However, I did not find the digitized version from the National Archives useful, so in 2015, I visited the Archivo General de Puerto Rico (AGPR) in order to create my own digitized copies of the 1872 Registry for Mayagüez. Due to the initial trajectory of my research, I visited numerous archival sites on the island. I obtained archival data about Mayagüez from Central de Investigaciones Históricas-UPR and from the Diocese of Mayagüez. In the process of organizing all the archival material I obtained from the numerous places in Puerto Rico, I realized that I was going to have to revamp my initial research interests, which resulted in centering the information from the 1872 Slave Registry for Mayagüez in my dissertation.Before developing the dataset, I cross-referenced the digitized version from the National Archives with the digital versions I obtained from the Archivo General de Puerto Rico (AGPR). Additionally, I carefully reviewed each field and sub-field, reading almost every entry for enslaved individuals before creating the Excel dataset.Each digitized page contained entries from an accounting-style ledger, with each page having approximately four enslaved individuals. There were seven main fields on each ledger page. These fields included 'Núm.' for the assigned entry number, 'Pueblos' for the township, 'Nombre del esclavo' for the name of the enslaved individual, 'Estado' for marital status, 'Oficio' for occupation, and 'Filiación' for filiation. The 'Nombre del esclavo' field had several subfields, and the 'Filiación' field consisted of various physiognomic descriptors.The subfields under the 'Nombre del esclavo' or 'name of the enslaved' included 'Natural de' for origin or ancestry, 'Está coartado en' Emancipation by self-purchase, 'Empadronado en el b? de' for “Registered in neighborhood of,” 'Es hijo de' for parentage, 'y de' for 'and of,' and 'Tiene hijos que se llaman' for children's names. The 'Filiación' field had nine parts, including 'Edad' for age, 'Estatura' for height, 'Color' for skin color, 'Pelo' for hair, 'Barba' for beard, 'Ojos' for eyes, 'Nariz' for nose, 'Boca' for mouth, and 'Señas particulares' for particular signs. The last field in the ledger was 'observaciones' or observations, which was rarely filled out.I started entering details into the spreadsheet in July 2017 and finished in November 2017. The reason it took four months to finish the dataset was due to the process of carefully at nineteenth-century Spanish that are not used in the Puerto Spanish The other was reading the Spanish and various out physical created an Excel spreadsheet with fields that the Spanish from the but into The was to the information in the I to several of the main while a few categories that were not for my research the I have included the 'Núm.' for 'Pueblos' for and 'Nombre del esclavo' for of the Some subfields under 'Nombre del esclavo' from the ledger were from the However, the subfields I include 'Natural where I used of' to the of the enslaved of were born in Puerto Rico, I the for those born outside of Puerto Rico, such as in Africa, and other the field 'Está coartado I used the by as this in the ledger indicated the amount of being of 'Empadronado en el b? I used in neighborhood I created fields to the the ledger did not the of the enslaved individuals. I this by analyzing the of the enslaved and the use of and associated with This for a more comprehensive understanding of the gender distribution within the dataset and further analysis of gender dynamics among the enslaved a of the kinship noted in the ledger, I to this information in the than the 'Es hijo de' as listed in the ledger, I it with fields for and on the name provided to 'Es hijo I identified whether the enslaved had only a or only a recorded and the name in the in the also a field to the number of the enslaved rather than listing their as indicated in the ledger under 'Tiene hijos que se These be to the dataset in the I used in the spreadsheet of 'Nombre del and rather than The 'Oficio' in the ledger, which to occupation, was as in the The recorded occupations and included domestic field labor, and the I by the it was or as in the This was used frequently in the ledger to describe the physiognomic parts and occupations of the enslaved individuals. By the I this in the the 'Oficio' field in the dataset I all the under the in the This included information such as age, height, skin color, hair and specific In the age I an age between 1 and For the I the by like and to the recorded in the the skin color I considered the various in the ledger to describe different The were and Additionally, there were like and in the this I these into the the hair the ledger used various to describe the of enslaved peoples’ The most was which I and into the as included for for and for There were also of Spanish into such as and among the areas in the ledger did not about a for the Some were as or and in other the field of the found in the ledger were into the The most used were and or like or large were with or for example, large or light last three in the dataset were nose, mouth, and nose and mouth had similar in the One significant used in the ledger was the as in the dataset to describe nose and into the included small, and entry of data from the ledger to the dataset to a comprehensive of information enslaved This dataset provides valuable insights for analysis and the and understanding of the of these the of and this I that it in the and of a of The to the information from the ledger was as a to and the individuals lives are documented in these this the of data and highlights the of in a deeper understanding of the The dataset is as a to the and of those recorded in its to a on the lives and experiences of the enslaved