Dominant domains in vowel harmony: A structural approach to a linear asymmetry
Abstract In this paper, we make two main claims: (i) we claim that a proposed prefix-suffix asymmetry (the absence of dominant prefixes in bi-directional dominant-recessive vowel harmony systems) is in fact a special case of a broader generalization that should be stated in hierarchical terms (domains), not linear order (prefixes), (ii) we contend moreover that the relevant domains are best defined in morphosyntactic terms (the juncture between Aspect and Tense, cf. “phases”) rather than in morphophonological terms (the “stem” of Stratal OT and other work). We offer an account under a slight modification of an existing constraint-based cyclic approach to Vowel Harmony (Kiparsky 2024) and compare this to a rule-based (feature-filling) implementation of the Cyclic Spell-Out of morphosyntactic structure.
Authors
- Maria Kouneli (ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6942-8281)
- Jonathan David Bobaljik (ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7897-1857)
- Paula Fenger
Institutions
- Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey (US)
- Harvard University Press (US)
- Leibniz Institute for the History and Culture of Eastern Europe (GWZO) (DE)
- Leipzig University (DE)
Publication Details
- Journal
- Natural Language & Linguistic Theory
- Published
- 2025-05-29
- DOI
- https://doi.org/10.1007/s11049-025-09668-2
- Citations
- 2
- Primary Topic
- Phonetics and Phonology Research
- Type
- article
- Field-Weighted Citation Impact
- 4.24
Funders
- Harvard University
- University of Connecticut
- Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft
- Universität Leipzig
- Masarykova Univerzita