Here are some nominal wh-clauses in Greek

Abstract This paper discusses novel empirical evidence from Greek showing that a wh -clause (i.e., a CP ) may correspond to a nominal constituent with referential interpretation (just like a DP ). The evidence comes from the distribution of wh -clauses with the presentative particle nà (roughly translating to the English here is/are , the Italian ecco , or the French voilà ). Nà places two restrictions on the type of complement it may take, one relating to syntax and the other to the semantics: The complement must be ‘nominal’ in nature and must bear a referential reading. After showing that a wh -clause combined with nà is a complement and not an adjunct, I propose that the nominal status of the wh -clause comes from its D-label. This label, in turn, results from the association of the wh -phrase with C, on the following two assumptions (both of which are established elsewhere, while I further elaborate here on the second): (i) Greek wh -phrases, regardless of the grammatical category they belong to (i.e., N, Adj., Adv.), are (bare) indefinite D-elements (and not intrinsically interrogative quantifiers); and (ii) C bears a generalized Op(erator) feature that requires a value and assigns quantificational properties to the element it combines with (here, the wh-phrase). More generally, this analysis raises important, and far-reaching, implications vis-à-vis the syntax and semantics of wh -clauses, clause-typing, and clausal complement selection, discussion of which I mostly leave for a future study.