On reduced <i>wh</i>-questions in Dagara

Abstract This article provides novel data involving reduced wh -questions in Dagara. The language exhibits some important properties, among which are the availability of the movement and the in-situ option for wh -phrases in wh -questions and the obligatory presence of the focus marker accompanying remnant wh -phrases. We propose and argue for an analysis in terms of overt movement of wh -phrases and ellipsis of a clausal constituent à la what has been called sluicing. We also observe that reduced questions in Dagara exhibit island repair effects. As a theoretical consequence, we point out that they weaken one of the supporting arguments for the so-called in-situ analysis of sluiced clauses.