Passing is giving

Abstract This paper focuses on the origin of a polyfunctional morpheme ti 42 in Tunxi Hui Chinese, a little-studied Hui Sinitic language with about 140,000 speakers in Tunxi, Anhui Province of China. This versatile morpheme represents a radical syncretism of nine disparate functions, including that between the lexical verb give and the allative, locative, and temporal marking, which is seldom reported in the literature. By first-hand synchronic data and the historical comparative method, we propose that ti 42 originated as a send -type verb * diai6 ‘pass’ in Middle Chinese, which has extended to a general ditransitive verb give in modern Tunxi Hui. During this process, it has developed into two separate grammaticalization clines, one from ‘pass’ to the allative, locative, and temporal markers, and the other from give to recipient, beneficiary, purpose, permissive, and passive markers. The polysemy of ti 42 sheds light on the complex processes of semantic shift from pass to give , and language-internal and contact-induced polygrammaticalization.

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Publication Details

Journal
Journal of Historical Linguistics
Published
2025-05-02
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1075/jhl.24001.lu
Primary Topic
Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation
Type
article
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article

Passing is giving

Man-Shan Hui, Wen Lu
Journal of Historical Linguistics
Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation
article

Passing is giving

Man-Shan Hui, Wen Lu
article en

Abstract

Abstract This paper focuses on the origin of a polyfunctional morpheme ti 42 in Tunxi Hui Chinese, a little-studied Hui Sinitic language with about 140,000 speakers in Tunxi, Anhui Province of China. This versatile morpheme represents a radical syncretism of nine disparate functions, including that between the lexical verb give and the allative, locative, and temporal marking, which is seldom reported in the literature. By first-hand synchronic data and the historical comparative method, we propose that ti 42 originated as a send -type verb * diai6 ‘pass’ in Middle Chinese, which has extended to a general ditransitive verb give in modern Tunxi Hui. During this process, it has developed into two separate grammaticalization clines, one from ‘pass’ to the allative, locative, and temporal markers, and the other from give to recipient, beneficiary, purpose, permissive, and passive markers. The polysemy of ti 42 sheds light on the complex processes of semantic shift from pass to give , and language-internal and contact-induced polygrammaticalization.

Journal of Historical Linguistics
Hong Kong Polytechnic University (HK), University of Hong Kong (HK)
Openalex Percentile: Top 88%
Syntax, Semantics, Linguistic Variation
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