Non-verbal predication in Ossetic

This article deals with the semantic functions and morphological expression of different types of non-verbal predication in Ossetic. Ossetic features two third-person singular present-tense forms of the verb ‘to be’ (i(š) and u), one of which, namely iš, can be argued to be the copula. The two forms are employed in non-overlapping types of non-verbal predication. With plural subjects, however, no morphologically distinct copula is available. Because of this, non-agreement and the third person singular copula are used in differentiating between predication types. In particular, full agreement is exhibited in “nominal” predications (e.g. John is a teacher), while non-agreeing verbal forms and the copula are used in “locational” ones (e.g. John is in New York). Additionally, in locative clauses proper a further distinction can be drawn between thematic and rhematic location, with definiteness also playing a role in the selection of the non-agreeing copula or the verb ‘to be’. The article also covers the usage of the negated forms of the copula (næj) and the verb ‘to be’ (næw). It is shown that their distribution mirrors that of the positive forms, although some contexts with næw do require more careful examination. Some morphosyntactic differences between “nominal” predication types, i.e. those conveying Equation (John is my father), Proper Inclusion (John is a teacher), and Attribution (John is handsome), are also highlighted. In particular, there is variation between types as to whether use is made of a pure adjective, which in Ossetic can bear no nominal morphology, or of the corresponding lexicalized substantive form, capable of attaching e.g. the plural marker.