Distribution of evidential markers in a Cuzco Quechua corpus
Due to contact, several varieties of Quechua are losing evidential markers. Using a Cuzco Quechua corpus (Macedo et al., 2022), we present the distribution of evidential markers -mi (-n,-ni), -si (-s, -sis), and -chá on discourse connectors (DCs) (Sanchez et. al., 2021) and sentence-level constituents (subject, object, verb, and adverb). To determine how DCs and constituents are marked with evidentiality, we analyze a corpus of semi-structured interviews in Quechua (N=29; 995 utterances total). 3.42% of evidential suffixes were found on DCs and 96.58% on constituents indicating that their syncretic nature (focus and evidentiality) is at play in constituents. A GLMM suggests that evidential type (-mi, -si and -chá) is predictors of DC and constituent marking. -mi is more likely to appear in both syntactic positions, while -si shows the greater shift from DC to constituents (p<0.05). Men are also more likely to mark DCs and less likely to mark constituents.
Authors
- Elena Koulidobrova (ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4839-8380)
- Liliana Sánchez (ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0991-5392)
- D. Sánchez Pérez
- Jefferson Imbaquingo-Ramón (ORCID: https://orcid.org/0009-0004-0092-1181)
Institutions
- Central Connecticut State University (US)
- University of Illinois Chicago (US)
Publication Details
- Journal
- Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America
- Published
- 2025-04-09
- DOI
- https://doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v10i1.5899
- Primary Topic
- Linguistic Variation and Morphology
- Type
- article
- Field-Weighted Citation Impact
- 0.00
Funders
- National Science Foundation