The survival of Goran identity in Kosovo and Metohija: The role of the Republic of Serbia and the Brussels process

The central argument of this paper is that the very survival of the identity of the Goran community in Kosovo and Metohija is possible only within the framework of the Serbian national being and largely depends on the success of the Brussels Process. The geographical location of the Gorani community across the three countries - Serbia, Macedonia, and Albania, makes this community politically relevant not only for the countries above but also for the Pristina administration and Bulgaria. Since the "battle" for Gorani identity implies political representation in Skopje, Tirana, Pristina, and even Belgrade, it attracts various interpretations. The Albanian thesis "Gorani as Albanians" is based on the view that Gorani are Albanians who speak a Slavic language and are inert primarily without a spill-over effect outside Albania. On the contrary, the Bulgarian view is long-lasting and often aggressive in academic and political circles; however, while successful in Albania, it does not appeal much to Gorani in Kosovo and Metohija. The thesis "Gorani as Bosniak" is the most recent and entirely based on pseudo-science: although it does have mass support among Gorani, with the support of the Pristina administration and utilization of Muslim narrative, which should not be underestimated when it comes to the Gorani community, it might garner adherents. The Macedonian thesis coined into a concept of "Macedonian Muslims" offers certain advantages since Gorani can be part of the majority population while preserving their Muslim identity. Similarly, the Serbian view of Gorani as part of the national corps provides the same advantages. Still, unlike the Macedonian government, Belgrade can protect the Gorani community in Kosovo and Metohija through institutions such as education and social and health care. However, Belgrade's financial and logistic backing of Gorani is only one side of the coin since preserving Gorani's identity is contingent on the challenges of the Brussels Process. The first challenge concerns the implementation dynamic and whether the creation of The Association/Community of Serb Municipalities (ASM) comes before the exodus of the non-Albanian population in Kosovo and Metohija. The second challenge is the form of the ASM: the signed agreements hint towards certain constitutional rights. However, Pristina aims to reduce the ASM competencies to the level of an NGO. Third, while the current arrangement leaves space for the Gorani community to join the ASM, additional negotiation among political elites is required. Finally, due to the repression of Pristina's administrations in the past two decades, the Gorani migration pattern has changed from strictly economic to political-economic.

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Publication Details

Journal
Nacionalni interes
Published
2025-01-01
DOI
https://doi.org/10.5937/nint50-54452
Primary Topic
Balkans: History, Politics, Society
Type
article
Field-Weighted Citation Impact
0.00

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article

The survival of Goran identity in Kosovo and Metohija: The role of the Republic of Serbia and the Brussels process

Andrej Semenov, Zoran Nedeljković
Nacionalni interes
Balkans: History, Politics, Society
article

The survival of Goran identity in Kosovo and Metohija: The role of the Republic of Serbia and the Brussels process

Andrej Semenov, Zoran Nedeljković
article en

Abstract

The central argument of this paper is that the very survival of the identity of the Goran community in Kosovo and Metohija is possible only within the framework of the Serbian national being and largely depends on the success of the Brussels Process. The geographical location of the Gorani community across the three countries - Serbia, Macedonia, and Albania, makes this community politically relevant not only for the countries above but also for the Pristina administration and Bulgaria. Since the "battle" for Gorani identity implies political representation in Skopje, Tirana, Pristina, and even Belgrade, it attracts various interpretations. The Albanian thesis "Gorani as Albanians" is based on the view that Gorani are Albanians who speak a Slavic language and are inert primarily without a spill-over effect outside Albania. On the contrary, the Bulgarian view is long-lasting and often aggressive in academic and political circles; however, while successful in Albania, it does not appeal much to Gorani in Kosovo and Metohija. The thesis "Gorani as Bosniak" is the most recent and entirely based on pseudo-science: although it does have mass support among Gorani, with the support of the Pristina administration and utilization of Muslim narrative, which should not be underestimated when it comes to the Gorani community, it might garner adherents. The Macedonian thesis coined into a concept of "Macedonian Muslims" offers certain advantages since Gorani can be part of the majority population while preserving their Muslim identity. Similarly, the Serbian view of Gorani as part of the national corps provides the same advantages. Still, unlike the Macedonian government, Belgrade can protect the Gorani community in Kosovo and Metohija through institutions such as education and social and health care. However, Belgrade's financial and logistic backing of Gorani is only one side of the coin since preserving Gorani's identity is contingent on the challenges of the Brussels Process. The first challenge concerns the implementation dynamic and whether the creation of The Association/Community of Serb Municipalities (ASM) comes before the exodus of the non-Albanian population in Kosovo and Metohija. The second challenge is the form of the ASM: the signed agreements hint towards certain constitutional rights. However, Pristina aims to reduce the ASM competencies to the level of an NGO. Third, while the current arrangement leaves space for the Gorani community to join the ASM, additional negotiation among political elites is required. Finally, due to the repression of Pristina's administrations in the past two decades, the Gorani migration pattern has changed from strictly economic to political-economic.

Nacionalni interesVol. 50(1)
Ministarstvo Prosvete, Nauke i Tehnološkog Razvoja
Openalex Percentile: Top 93%
Balkans: History, Politics, Society
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