Religious Institutionalization: Understanding Why Leaders practice Shamanism in South Korea

Political and business leaders in South Korea are often the focus of attention these days because of their relation to shamanism. These activities are labeled superstitious and are widely condemned, though they are not new. Despite the overall condemnation, shamanistic practices among leaders, similarly to the wider population, persisted in the long run. There are two distinct parts to the criticism: everyday practice and high political positions given to mudangs. Practice is condemned because shamanism is not considered a religion as it has no proper institutions, that is, church, ideology, clergy, official history, and so forth. On the contrary, practice is continuous because its efficiency is widely believed. Presently given political positions somewhat reflect their historical situation. Mudangs were religious and spiritual experts throughout the centuries, and they often held high-ranking positions. Historically, this kind of cronyism was not only compensation for personal support but also shared responsibilities and duties with the worthy. Today, this is condemned because of the general consideration of shamanism as superstition and because politics is expected to work in a bureaucratic manner with elected tasks and responsibilities based on rational operation and institutional legitimacy, where politicians are bureaucrats who cannot share the delegated power arbitrarily. The situation is very similar in business, although less apparent. In this study, we focus on the institutionalization process first. Although the historical development of shamanism did not happen to form an established Church, the preservation of the practices and the ancient roles of religious experts, the present market processes, the increasing scientific research, and the partial governmental acceptance inspired by UNESCO contributed to a secondary institutionalization. Although public acceptance follows the primary structures of society built on formal institutions, personal considerations and decisions are influenced by this secondary layer. Whether this contradiction is a psychological constraint and causes stress among the related population is a question. Secondly, Korean society’s postmodern transformation supports different religiosity and spirituality, which gives another way for shamanism to flourish. Postmodern lifestyle with increased fragmentation and media use can incorporate shamanism with ease and fit properly into its disintegrated character. The highly industrialized and urbanized Korean society and the prevalent advanced IT and communication technology serve as fertile ground to absorb new-old religiosity. The psychological compulsion for spiritual experiences and healing and the social need for building identity on history support shamanism both as a new spirituality and heritage at the same time.