On (partially) quirky subjects, numeral subjects, and subject-oriented anaphor binding

Abstract I examine certain quirky subjects that pass some but not all subjecthood tests, arguing they are PPs, located in a higher subject position than fully quirky subjects and agreeing subjects, in line with Bošković (2024), where non-nominal subjects satisfy the EPP in a higher position than nominal subjects. Regarding subject-oriented anaphors, in principle the element in any of the three positions where the EPP is satisfied in Bošković (2024a) and the element in SpecvP can bind them, the closest subject being the binder when more than one is present. However, the binder must be nominal, which is not the case with non-subject-oriented anaphors. I also examine Slavic numeral subjects (where the noun bears genitive), which show complex behavior regarding agreement, case, and binding, the main claim being that with some numeral phrases (agreeing numeral subjects in Russian and non-agreeing ones in Serbo-Croatian), a null noun is present and assigns genitive.