Temporal <i>de Re</i> and semantic variation: Composing simultaneity in Asante Twi

This paper explores the temporal interpretation of attitude reports (AttR) in the Asante (Twi) dialect of Akan (Kwa, Niger Congo), with a focus on deriving the (past) simultaneous (SIM) reading in X-under-Past embeddings. We note that SIM in Asante arises when X represents: (i) the bare form, (ii) the distal deictic tense ná or (marginally) (iii) the perfective past LEN - with a decreasing preference in that order from (i) to (iii). Based on our empirical findings, accounts postulating deletion or binding of the embedded tense are ruled out for (ii) and (iii). Therefore, we propose that, while the bare form is associated with a de Se binding construal, both ná and LEN involve only a de Re construal. Consequently, we suggest that the speakers’ choices in embedding are guided by two pragmatic principles: one that favours de Se over de Re LFs (for (i) over (ii) and (iii)) and another that favours unbounded over bounded event structures (for (i) and (ii) over (iii)).