Oral and nasal airflow in nasalized laryngeal consonants

While it has long been known that laryngeal consonants do not block nasal harmony, it has been debated whether the velum actually remains lowered during the production of glottals in nasal harmony contexts. Using newly collected nasal and oral airflow data from two Amazonian languages, Maihki (Tukanoan, Peru) and Piaroa (Jodi¨-Sáliban, Venezuela and Colombia), we demonstrate that the laryngeals [h, ʔ] are, in fact, produced as nasalized [h̃ , ̃ ʔ] in these languages when they occur in nasal harmony spans. We observe that nasal flow is greater for both intervocalic [h] and [ʔ] in a nasal harmony context than in a non-harmony (oral) context, suggesting a lowered velum for both segments conditioned by the nasal harmony span. The glottal stops examined lack complete closure, as indicated by their non-zero oral flow; we consider the implications of this for the relationship between glottal stricture and measured nasality. [Work supported by U.S. National Science Foundation Award #1918064.]

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Publication Details

Journal
The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America
Published
2024-10-01
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1121/10.0035236
Primary Topic
Phonetics and Phonology Research
Type
article
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article

Oral and nasal airflow in nasalized laryngeal consonants

Lev Michael, Jorge Emilio Rosés Labrada, Myriam Lapierre, Tyler T. Schnoor et al.
The Journal of the Acoustical Society of America
Phonetics and Phonology Research
article

Oral and nasal airflow in nasalized laryngeal consonants

Lev Michael, Jorge Emilio Rosés Labrada, Myriam Lapierre, Tyler T. Schnoor, Matthew Faytak, Mariana Quintana Godoy, Tianle Yang, Beatriz Apolinario
article en

Abstract

While it has long been known that laryngeal consonants do not block nasal harmony, it has been debated whether the velum actually remains lowered during the production of glottals in nasal harmony contexts. Using newly collected nasal and oral airflow data from two Amazonian languages, Maihki (Tukanoan, Peru) and Piaroa (Jodi¨-Sáliban, Venezuela and Colombia), we demonstrate that the laryngeals [h, ʔ] are, in fact, produced as nasalized [h̃ , ̃ ʔ] in these languages when they occur in nasal harmony spans. We observe that nasal flow is greater for both intervocalic [h] and [ʔ] in a nasal harmony context than in a non-harmony (oral) context, suggesting a lowered velum for both segments conditioned by the nasal harmony span. The glottal stops examined lack complete closure, as indicated by their non-zero oral flow; we consider the implications of this for the relationship between glottal stricture and measured nasality. [Work supported by U.S. National Science Foundation Award #1918064.]

The Journal of the Acoustical Society of AmericaVol. 156(4_Supplement)
Center for Applied Linguistics (US), University of Alberta (CA), University of Washington (US), Universidad Tecnológica del Perú (PE), University at Buffalo, State University of New York (US), University of California, Berkeley (US)
Openalex Percentile: Top 68%
Phonetics and Phonology Research
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