TP in Oshiwambo subject nominalizations

Subject nominalizations have been argued to be deprived in verbal structure and lack extended verbal projections such as TP (Baker & Vinokurova 2009). We show that TP is realized in Oshiwambo (R20, Bantu) subject nominalizations. Other functional elements associated with passive, causative, and applicative constructions are observed in Oshiwambo subject nominalizations. Anaphor binding is also attested. We further demonstrate that subject nominalizations are different from reduced and headless relative clauses. An implication of this work is that Oshiwambo subject nominalizations are best described under a phrasal layering approach (Alexiadou & Schäfer 2010, among others) and that their syntactic size can be as articulated as a finite clause.