Better safe than sorry: Why great powers accommodate high-value hedgers

Abstract Despite the growing interest in secondary state efforts to avoid choosing sides in great power competition, International Relations scholars have paid scant attention to the question of how great powers respond to secondary state ‘hedging’. We offer a first approximation for this important question by focusing on ‘high-value’ hedgers, i.e. secondary states whose location or capabilities afford them the potential to tip the scales in a great power war. We posit that great powers are likely to accommodate high-value hedgers and refrain from trying to manipulate their alignment choice. This is because the likelihood and costs of losing a high-value hedger are such that competing great powers would rather be safe than sorry. Concretely, we expect established and rising great powers to (re)assure high-value hedgers: the former by demonstrating their commitment to a regional balance of power, and the latter by showing they harbour no ill intent towards the hedging secondary state. To probe our argument, we examine how Great Britain and Germany responded to Dutch hedging in the early 20th century, and how the United States and China are responding to Singapore’s hedging today.

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Publication Details

Journal
Review of International Studies
Published
2024-11-07
DOI
https://doi.org/10.1017/s0260210524000652
Citations
4
Primary Topic
Economic, financial, and policy analysis
Type
article
Field-Weighted Citation Impact
3.31
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article

Better safe than sorry: Why great powers accommodate high-value hedgers

Fabio Figiaconi, Luis Simón
4 citations
Review of International Studies
Economic, financial, and policy analysis
3.31
article

Better safe than sorry: Why great powers accommodate high-value hedgers

Fabio Figiaconi, Luis Simón
article en
4 citations

Abstract

Abstract Despite the growing interest in secondary state efforts to avoid choosing sides in great power competition, International Relations scholars have paid scant attention to the question of how great powers respond to secondary state ‘hedging’. We offer a first approximation for this important question by focusing on ‘high-value’ hedgers, i.e. secondary states whose location or capabilities afford them the potential to tip the scales in a great power war. We posit that great powers are likely to accommodate high-value hedgers and refrain from trying to manipulate their alignment choice. This is because the likelihood and costs of losing a high-value hedger are such that competing great powers would rather be safe than sorry. Concretely, we expect established and rising great powers to (re)assure high-value hedgers: the former by demonstrating their commitment to a regional balance of power, and the latter by showing they harbour no ill intent towards the hedging secondary state. To probe our argument, we examine how Great Britain and Germany responded to Dutch hedging in the early 20th century, and how the United States and China are responding to Singapore’s hedging today.

Review of International Studies
Vrije Universiteit Brussel (BE)
Openalex Percentile: Top 7%
Economic, financial, and policy analysis
3.31
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