The reckoning: From the second slavery to abolition, 1776–1888 By RobinBlackburn. Verso. 2024. pp. 544. £35.00 (hbk). ISBN: 978‐1804293416. £15.00 (ebk). ISBN: 978‐1804293430

The distinguished historian Robin Blackburn presents in this book a comprehensive analysis of what has been termed the ‘Second Slavery’. This concept, increasingly influential in contemporary historiography, refers to the resurgence and transformation of slavery in the first half of the nineteenth century, in the United States, Brazil, and Cuba, at the very time when, ironically, the movement against the evil institution was gathering pace elsewhere. This volume has already been extremely well received and is the culmination of Blackburn's trilogy, following The Making of New World Slavery (2010) and The Overthrow of Colonial Slavery (2011). The central thesis of The Reckoning is that this Second Slavery represented a distinct phase of American enslavement, characterised by its integration with industrialising capitalism, its expansion into new territories, and its adaptation to post-colonial political structures. Blackburn argues that this new form of slavery, because it coincided with technological advances such as the development of steam technology, was more productive, more closely tied to global markets, more resilient – and crueller and more intensely racist than its predecessor. It consequently defied expectations of its imminent demise following the Age of Revolutions and endured until the middle and latter stages of the nineteenth century, leaving behind a bitter legacy of entrenched racism that still echoes today. The book is divided into two parts. The first explores the territorial and economic expansion of slavery in what the author calls the ‘ABC’ territories (America, Brazil, and Cuba), while the second examines the complex process of abolition and its aftermath in all three. Throughout, Blackburn treads a Marxist path that emphasises the interplay and causal relationships between economic forces, political developments, and social movements in shaping the trajectory of the Second Slavery and its ultimate downfall. In my view, one of the book's most significant contributions is its analysis of the role of finance and credit in fuelling the expansion of enslavement in these territories. Blackburn demonstrates how the ability to use slaves as collateral for loans allowed planters to expand their operations rapidly and occupy new territories, as well as implicating financial institutions in non-slave areas and countries in the gruesome business. This financialisation of slavery, he argues, created a powerful economic engine that drove the growth of the plantation system and tied it ever more closely to the emerging industrial capitalism of Europe and the northern United States. Indeed, it bequeathed to industrial capitalism systems of accounting, blueprints for the division of labour in factories, and perhaps even a vocabulary: he suggests that the term (industrial) ‘plant’ may be derived from the word ‘plantation’. For this reason, I would suggest that Blackburn's treatment of the economic aspects of the Second Slavery will be of particular interest for readers of Economic Affairs because it challenges simplistic narratives of slavery as a pre-capitalist institution. Instead, Blackburn carefully explains how it was thoroughly enmeshed with modern financial practices and market imperatives. The analysis therefore raises important questions about the relationship between capitalism and unfree labour, and the role of institutions in shaping economic and political development. This is an essentially comparative approach, which examines the parallel but distinct developments in the United States, Brazil, and Cuba, and provides valuable insights into the varied ways in which slavery adapted to these different political and economic contexts. For example, Blackburn contrasts the internal slave trade and natural increase of the slave population in the United States with the continued reliance on the transatlantic slave trade in Brazil and Cuba. This comparison illuminates the different strategies employed by slave owners to maintain and expand their labour force, as well as the varying pressures they faced from abolitionist movements and international diplomacy. These pressures meant that the political economy of the Second Slavery was nuanced and multifaceted. Slave-owners in all three territories had to navigate complex political landscapes, forging alliances with non-slave-owners and adapting their ideologies to changing circumstances. This is therefore a detailed account of how the institution of slavery shaped, and was shaped by, the development of national political systems in the post-colonial era. One of the most thought-provoking aspects of The Reckoning is its exploration of the contradictions inherent in the Second Slavery. Blackburn argues that while slavery proved remarkably adaptable and productive in the short term, it also contained the seeds of its own destruction. The very success of the slave system in expanding into new territories and increasing its economic importance paradoxically heightened the tensions that would ultimately lead to its downfall. In Cuba this tension produced two wars of independence that united blacks and whites and laid the basis for the multiracial nation of today. In the US, it produced a civil war, a flawed Reconstruction and the divided society that we still observe. This is all recounted in the second part of the book, which focuses on the process of abolition. Here, Blackburn provides a detailed account of the various forces that contributed to the end of slavery, namely slave resistance, abolitionist movements, international pressure, and changing economic conditions. His treatment of the American civil war as a ‘revolution from above’ that was nonetheless sustained by popular mobilisation, I found especially interesting. So too, the examination of the aftermath of abolition, where Blackburn argues that while the end of chattel slavery was a momentous achievement, it fell short of the more radical visions of social transformation advocated by some abolitionists, and led to other forms of thraldom such as sharecropping. The persistence of racial hierarchies, intense economic inequalities and various forms of exploitation in the post-emancipation era is a central theme of the conclusion and offers great food for thought when we consider the continuing tensions of race and class relations in the United States in the twenty-first century. In this respect, from the perspective of classical liberal economics, something with which readers of this journal will be well familiar, The Reckoning offers several important notions and not a few distinct challenges. For example, Blackburn's analysis of the role of property rights, credit markets, and economic incentives in shaping the slave system provides a nuanced understanding of how institutions interact with economic developments. His work demonstrates the importance of considering historical context and power relations in economic analysis, rather than relying solely on abstract models. However, Blackburn's emphasis on the central role of slavery in the development of nineteenth-century capitalism may be controversial. His argument that the profits and markets generated by slavery were crucial to industrialisation in Europe and the northern United States has been contested by narratives that portray free labour and free markets as the primary engines of economic growth. The book's treatment of the relationship between economic and political freedom is also highly relevant to classical liberal thought. Blackburn shows how the expansion of democratic rights for white men in the United States coincided with the entrenchment of racial slavery, complicating simplistic notions of the relationship between economic and political liberalism. Despite its tremendous scholarship, I must still report that The Reckoning has its limitations. At times, there is simply too much detail while, paradoxically perhaps, the broad scope of its analysis is also occasionally overwhelming. There were moments when this reader found himself wishing for a more focused argument. In addition, while I see the comparative approach generally as a strength, there were also occasions when the parallels between the three main territories seemed somewhat forced. To be fair Blackburn does acknowledge the distinctions between the three countries, but I feel there is a need to explain more explicitly how it was that this Second Slavery institution, which can be easily defined in all three, produced such extremely different social and political realities. But these are minor criticisms. The Reckoning is a wonderful achievement and deserves the many accolades it has received. I am sure it will be essential reading for historians of slavery, economists interested in the historical development of capitalism, and anyone seeking to understand the complexities of race and race relations in the Americas. Blackburn's ability to synthesise such a vast array of sources and to draw connections between economic, political, and social developments is truly impressive. The Reckoning offers a comprehensive, highly detailed and keenly nuanced analysis of the Second Slavery and its abolition. By situating the slave systems of the nineteenth-century Americas within the broader context of global capitalism and nation-state formation, Blackburn provides valuable insights into the complex interplay between economic institutions, political structures, and social movements. While his conclusions may challenge some assumptions of classical liberal economics, the book's rigorous historical analysis and thought-provoking arguments make it an important contribution to our understanding of a crucial period in world history.