Towards mutual trust and understanding: establishing effective communication between Ukrainian refugees and Swiss government institutions

The integration of Ukrainian refugees in Switzerland has become increasingly relevant in light of global migration processes driven by political and military conflicts. Given the significant number of Ukrainian refugees residing in Switzerland for extended periods, there is an urgent need to improve interaction between Swiss governmental institutions and this group of refugees. This challenge is further complicated by the protracted nature of the conflict in Ukraine and the uncertainty regarding the refugees' potential return to their home country.Switzerland is not bound by EU Council Directive 2001/55/EC of 20 July 2001 on minimum standards for giving temporary protection (Council of European Union, 2001) 1 . It has implemented similar measures under its own national asylum legislation that reflect the key principles of the directive. Status S grant's Ukrainian refugees rights to residence, employment, education, and access to social and medical services. According to the Circular Cantonal Integration Programs 2024-2027 and the Swiss Integration Agenda (PIC 3), dated October 19, 2022, refugees from Ukraine are encouraged to actively engage in Swiss social and professional life through integration programs, education, and paid employment, allowing them to maintain and develop their skills (Federal Department of Justice and Police, 2022) 2 .Historical experience demonstrates that temporary protection can evolve into long-term residency, as was the case with refugees from the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s, many of whom chose to remain in Switzerland even after the situation in their home country stabilised. In 2003, Swiss citizenship was granted to 12,000 Yugoslavs (Gross, 2006) 3 . "In 2001, the number of returning nationals was at its lowest level since the mid 1980s (less than 3,500 people in column 6) and it is falling rapidly. In parallel, the number of acquisitions of Swiss nationality was at its highest ever with almost 12,000 in 2003, which represented 1/3 of all naturalizations, much more than its representation in the foreign population (columns 7 and 7')" (1) 4 . Similarly, a significant number of Ukrainian refugees, faced with ongoing instability in Ukraine, do not plan to return to their country. A survey conducted by the UNHCR, SEM, and the market research firm Ipsos indicates that repatriating Ukrainian refugees voluntarily may be challenging. One-third of the Ukrainian refugees surveyed expressed that they do not wish to return to their homeland, while 40% remain undecided (UNHCR, SEM and Ipsos, 2023) 5 .The theoretical foundation of this article is grounded in Alexander's (2004)6 concept of cultural trauma, which explores how the long-term psychological effects of historical events, particularly those marked by ethnic and racial violence, can be transformed into universal symbols of human suffering and moral transgression. Alexander extends the traditional understanding of trauma by introducing cultural trauma, a phenomenon that transcends individual experiences and impacts the collective identity of entire societies. Cultural trauma, as defined by Alexander (2004), arises when a group perceives itself as having endured a catastrophic event that leaves a lasting imprint on their collective memory, f.download.pdf/rundschreiben-2-programm-s-i.pdf ( fundamentally reshaping their shared identity and social fabric. Smelser (2004) 7 explores the relationship between psychological trauma and cultural trauma, emphasising how both affect collective memory.The article integrates the social capital theories of Robert Putnam (2000) 8 , Coleman (1990) 9 , and Bourdieu (1986) 10 , focusing on the significance of networks, norms, trust and social cohesion in fostering integration. Consistent with Wagner's (2020) 11 research on social capital among immigrants, the integration of refugees into both bonding social capital (within ethnic networks) and bridging social capital (connections with the host society) is critical for achieving long-term integration outcomes. Wagner (2020) underscores that bonding capital addresses immediate needs by providing support within ethnic communities, whereas bridging capital facilitates upward mobility and deeper participation in the host society. Additionally, research demonstrates that both forms of social capital are positively correlated with subjective well-being, underscoring the role of social support networks in enhancing life satisfaction among immigrant populations (Wagner, 2020) 12 .However, refugees from countries with high levels of corruption and weak governance face additional challenges in integrating into host countries. Uslaner (2006) 13 emphasises that corruption erodes institutional trust, weakening social cohesion and undermining collective action. This dynamic is particularly relevant for Ukrainian refugees, many of whom have developed deep distrust toward governmental structures due to their negative experiences with corruption in their home country. As a result, rebuilding trust in the institutions of the host country -such as those in Switzerland -becomes a complex and critical component of the integration process. The transference of institutional distrust may hinder the refugees' ability to fully engage with and benefit from the host country's support structures, thus complicating their integration.The primary aim of this article is to draw attention to the academic community's need for further research into the transference of institutional distrust from Ukraine to Swiss governmental institutions among Ukrainian refugees. This article also seeks to address gaps in the literature on temporary protection and institutional trust, while laying the groundwork for the development of sustainable long-term integration strategies that are sensitive to the specific needs of Ukrainian refugees. These strategies should not only support successful integration but also help preserve social cohesion within the host society, aligning with the broader goals outlined in the Federal Constitution of the Swiss Confederation: "Switzerland shall promote the common welfare, sustainable development, internal cohesion and cultural diversity of the country"(2) (Federal Constitution of the Swiss Confederation, 1999, Art. 2) 14 .Central to this article is the author's conceptual model, which integrates the principles of trust, transparency, and cultural sensitivity as foundational pillars of refugee integration strategies (Figure 1 This study employs a theoretical approach to develop a conceptual integration model specifically designed for Ukrainian refugees residing in Switzerland under temporary protection (Status S) (State Secretariat for Migration, 2023) 15 . The research methodology involves a comprehensive and rigorous analysis of existing literature, drawing upon interdisciplinary theoretical frameworks. These frameworks are utilised to address the unique challenges of institutional distrust and the complex dynamics of refugee integration in the host society.The primary limitation of this study lies in its theoretical nature. While the proposed model is grounded in a thorough analysis of existing literature, its practical applicability has not yet been empirically tested. As such, the model's effectiveness in real-world settings remains hypothetical and requires validation through future empirical research. Additionally, the focus on Ukrainian refugees under temporary protection may limit the generalizability of the model to other refugee populations with different legal statuses or cultural contexts.Institutional trust refers to the confidence and expectations that citizens have regarding the actions of government and social institutions. It reflects the belief that these institutions will act according to their responsibilities, adhere to norms and laws, and contribute to public welfare (Rothstein, B., Stolle, D. 2008) 16 . This trust is fundamental to maintaining social cohesion and ensuring the effective functioning of democratic societies. Institutional trust significantly influences social interactions, citizens' willingness to cooperate with authorities, and their participation in public life (Hardin, 2002) 17 . When institutional trust is high, societal stability and well-being are enhanced, creating an environment that is predictable, stable, and under control. Conversely, a decline in trust can lead to alienation, social isolation, and decreased civic engagement, potentially destabilising the social structure (Rothstein, 2005) 18 .In societies with high institutional trust, citizens are more likely to believe that government institutions act in their best interest and protect their rights (Rothstein, 2005) 19 . This trust, both between individuals (interpersonal trust) and in institutions (institutional trust) are a decisive determinant of economic growth, social cohesion and well -being. It is also a crucial component for policy reform and for the legitimacy and sustainability of any political system (Algan, 2018) 20 .Trust is not only a vital element of institutional stability but also a fundamental component of social capital. Social capital, which refers to the networks, norms, and trust that enable members of a society to coordinate and cooperate for mutual benefit, is strengthened by high levels of In social capital economic development and the of governance (Algan, 2018) . According to a high level of trust to the development of social capital, which further facilitates societal functioning by and collective action. This relationship between social capital and trust is high levels of trust social capital, which further Conversely, levels of trust can social capital, to institutions and social case of countries a of this In social capital, which norms of trust and social was significantly the the of the . This to a decline in trust in governmental further the of corruption . Ukrainian refugees from countries with levels of social capital and high levels of trust in government institutions is a significant challenge 2008) . 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