Yemeni Women’s Economic Empowerment during Conflict

The protracted conflict in Yemen, now entering its eleventh year, has unleashed a cascade of devastating consequences, plunging the nation into one of the most severe humanitarian crises of the twenty-first century. Beyond the harrowing scenes of widespread violence, displacement, and food insecurity, the conflict has incited a silent revolution within Yemeni households, fundamentally altering traditional gender roles. Amid the chaos and turmoil, women have emerged as unexpected agents of change, shouldering the responsibility of providing for their families in unprecedented ways.This article delves into the intricate ramifications of this seismic shift in socioeconomic gender dynamics precipitated by Yemen’s conflict by reviewing relevant existing studies and interviewing seven women from diverse social backgrounds and diverse levels of expertise, including one lawyer and one women-empowerment activist. All interviews were conducted in Arabic. While this sample is not exhaustive and the findings may not be significantly representative, my observations, as well as those of the interviewees, combined with published material on this issue, indicate a trend worth exploring. The interviews were carried out during February and March 2024, and the names of some of the women were changed to protect their identity.Yemen is known for being a conservative society when it comes to social norms regarding women. However, this is not the same across the board, as there are many Yemeni families that encourage their women to pursue an education and a career. This essay focuses on conservative families that would not have naturally approved of women working and being active publicly, and I argue that, in these families, a change is occurring. Through a nuanced approach drawing on both scholarly literature and firsthand accounts from Yemeni women hailing from conservative families, testimonies from Yemenis and subject-matter experts show that there is indeed a shift in the gender power balance caused by women assuming the mantle of primary earners within their households. This shift has bolstered women’s status and decision-making authority within the household, not only regarding economic issues but also in general. However, both research and anecdotal evidence also indicate a prevalence of domestic violence, especially verbal and emotional, which has increased as traditional Yemeni men feel threatened by the loss of power in addition to some being mentally impacted by the trauma they have endured on the front lines of the armed conflict. As a consequence of both phenomena, increased empowerment of women and increased domestic violence against them, divorce rates have increased. Women who otherwise would not have had the choice are now breaking out of unhappy relationships thanks to their economic independence, either setting up homes on their own with their children or returning to their fathers’ homes. Interviewees in this study stated that it has become common for some male guardians, whether fathers or brothers, who did not approve of divorce in the past to welcome their divorced daughters/sisters back to the family with their children, as they not only do not create a financial burden on the family but also provide a new source of income.This change in the gender power balance is not unique to Yemen but begs the question of sustainability. As women’s so-called economic empowerment was driven by necessity and not an evolution of cultural norms, will it stand the test of time once a form of stability is arrived at in the postconflict period? One interviewee expresses her concerns with sarcasm, saying she worries about a peace deal that would return things to normal: “In a way, I don’t want this instability to end, but the situation on all other fronts, whether security, health, or education for my children, is very hard. I wish there were another way to maintain our economic independence as women.” We learn from feminist historiography that the way conflict ends affects the sustainability of the gains women have achieved during times of instability. In their examination of female empowerment and civil war, Ingrid Vik Bakken and Halvard Buhaug (2020) show that, in general, peace negotiations and agreements are male dominated and that therefore gender provisions and explicit references to women’s rights postconflict have to be consciously made to ensure that women’s achievements are sustained. The most recent accurate percentage of Yemeni women in the labor force is from the 2014 labor force survey, which puts the share of women aged twenty-five and over in the total labor force at only 6.7 percent (ILOSTAT Explorer n.d.). Due to the conflict, it is expected that this percentage has decreased further. For example, a 2023 forecast by the World Bank shows that it has dropped to 5.1 percent (Global Economy n.d.).1 Women in general have been traditionally excluded from the formal economic market in Yemen, especially in terms of access to monetary services such as bank accounts, microcredit, and landownership. However, the economic upheaval resulting from Yemen’s protracted conflict has thrust many households into dire circumstances, prompting a desperate quest for survival amid the chaos and uncertainty. In the face of dwindling resources and opportunities, Yemeni women have displayed remarkable resilience and resourcefulness, stepping into the breach to secure their families’ livelihoods (Heinze and Baabbad 2017).The type of work women carry out in Yemen depends on their qualifications. While educated women with expertise have engaged in humanitarian work with international and national nongovernmental organizations, women with less-professional qualifications have dabbled in business by becoming entrepreneurs, either by making products at home such as food, handicrafts, and incense (bakhoor) or opening up shops, providing employment opportunities to many others.Women’s interest and activity in the labor market have attracted the attention of external donors, who, as part of supporting social resilience, have dedicated funding to women-owned businesses, either for start-ups or for scaling up (Ranghieri and Faiz-Rasul Fayyaz 2023). For example, the Women Entrepreneurs Finance Initiative approved a $8.8 million grant for Yemeni women entrepreneurs between 2018 and 2023 (We-Fi 2023).Asma Al-Ghashm is a businesswoman who started her ventures after the 2011 uprising: I was a teacher in a private school in Dhamar governorate, but a time came when for many months I couldn’t even go to school to teach because it was too dangerous, and my salary was discontinued. So, I agreed with the school that, since I am a skilled seamstress, I would make the school uniforms for them, which they would then sell to the pupils. Today, I have my own factory and provide custom-made clothes to many retailers.Asma was lucky in that her husband was supportive, and she knew how to access microcredit and financial-support projects to expand her business. Other women are not as fortunate.Entrepreneurship has emerged as a prominent avenue for women to carve out their economic independence, with many seizing the opportunity to transform their skills and talents into viable businesses. For women who don’t have higher-education degrees or work experience, the ability to enter the labor market has been especially groundbreaking.While the burgeoning economic participation of women in Yemen represents a significant step toward gender equality, it has also cast a stark light on the entrenched gender-based inequalities and vulnerabilities that persist within society. While economic empowerment holds the promise of greater autonomy and agency for women, it exposes them to heightened risk of abuse and violence in a society whose patriarchal norms remain deeply rooted. The intersection of economic empowerment and these norms has given rise to a troubling trend, with women often bearing the brunt of verbal and emotional abuse as they strive to enter the workforce (Mwatana for Human Rights 2022). The unique vulnerabilities experienced by women in these conditions further aggravate the dire humanitarian situation currently prevailing in Yemen (Abdul Hadi Jadallah 2015).Wolfgang Gressmann (2016) found that “for men who stay at home, their limited ability to earn an income and their ‘idleness’ often become the cause of domestic conflict and violence.” Consider the case of Wisam, whose harrowing experiences shed light on the harsh realities faced by many Yemeni women as they navigate the complexities of economic empowerment amid a backdrop of patriarchal resistance. In recounting her story during an interview conducted for this study, she revealed the emotional turmoil wrought by her husband’s reactions to her growing financial independence while he was made redundant after losing his job. Faced with resentment and insecurity, Wisam’s husband lashed out verbally, employing demeaning language and psychological manipulation to undermine her confidence and assert control over her growing autonomy. In their exploration of women’s roles in connection with conflicts, Joyce P. Kaufman and Kristen P. Williams (2010: 59) confirm Wisam’s observation, stating that women witness “an increase in domestic violence that often accompanies a militarized society.”Furthermore, the shifting gender dynamics in Yemen amid the backdrop of conflict and economic upheaval have precipitated a notable surge in divorce rates, marking a departure from long-standing cultural norms that stigmatized marital dissolution (Almashhad Alyemeni 2023). Sumaia Al-Ghwaizy is a feminist lawyer who has been witnessing this trend: “There is a growing acceptance of divorce within Yemeni society, particularly when women take the courageous step of initiating the process as a means of escaping abuse or asserting their newfound independence facilitated by their economic contributions.” She explained that families, including traditional ones, have become more accepting of their daughters’ divorces as the financial burden of divorce does not fall on them, and in fact, in many cases, the returning daughter supports her parents financially, which is welcomed in these harsh economic times.This is not confined to Yemen; Krishna Kumar (2001: 5–26) states that one of the characteristic outcomes of the internal conflicts after the Cold War is that women’s and men’s traditional roles were forced to change, resulting in the breaking up of the family unit in many instances.The evolving attitudes toward divorce among conservative Yemeni families signal a significant shift in societal perceptions, challenging traditional notions of marital permanence and underscoring the increasing agency and autonomy of women within familial dynamics. Interviews conducted with Yemeni women provide poignant insights into this phenomenon, with many sharing personal stories of empowerment and liberation through divorce. Other women I interviewed confirm this increasing acceptance. For example, a woman I here name Manal spoke candidly about the harrowing experiences of abuse and mistreatment she endured in her marriage. Faced with untenable circumstances and emboldened by her new economic independence, she made the courageous decision to break free from the cycle of violence and seek refuge with her family. “My family supported me. In fact, I am the first woman from my community who is living alone with her young children after divorcing her husband. In the past, this was unheard of.” Manal’s narrative is a compelling illustration of the transformative potential inherent in women’s newfound economic autonomy.For Manal and countless other Yemeni women, divorce has emerged as a pathway to liberation and self-determination, enabling them to reclaim agency over their lives and chart a course toward a brighter future free from the constraints of oppressive relationships. My interlocutors felt strongly that the growing acceptance of divorce triggered by violence or abuse toward women within Yemeni families reflected a broader societal shift toward recognizing and respecting the rights and dignity of women.It must be clarified here that many men welcomed their wives’ financial contribution to the family, as it not only eased their burden but also allowed them to relax, sometimes even become lazy, relying on their women to support the family. While they accepted the newfound economic independence without negative reactions, very rarely did they take on domestic chores or care for children to support their wives, who were busy making a living. Interviewees explained that women ended up weighing their options and preferring to stay in a stable relationship even if it meant doing double the work.Despite the significant strides made in women’s empowerment amid the tumultuous landscape of conflict in Yemen, some questions remain open regarding the sustainability and depth of these advancements. While findings here agree with studies that observe changes in gender norms (Gressmann 2016), this article departs from them by focusing on women who have never worked outside the home and who come from conservative families that typically disapprove of women’s public engagement. In such environments, I argue, the shift in gender roles may not necessarily translate into real agency for women. Reflections on the gains women make during times of crisis were highlighted in Kaitlyn Webster, Chong Chen, and Kyle Beardsley’s (2019) analysis of women’s empowerment using cross-national data of conflicts from around the world between 1900 and 2015. They found that while there is evidence that conflict disrupts established social and political structures, providing a window for advancements in women’s empowerment, most of these advancements do not endure beyond a decade or so (Gressmann 2016).The transient nature of women’s increased participation in public life during crises requires caution against the potential regression of gender norms once stability is restored in the country. The cyclical nature of conflict and reconstruction poses formidable challenges to the enduring empowerment of women, raising concerns about the fragility of progress achieved amid the chaos of war. History has shown that for lasting change to occur, there have to be social carriers such as civil society organizations and popular movements such as the Tunisian feminist movement supported by state feminism under Bourguiba’s regime leading to the adoption of the Code of Personal Status preserving women’s rights under the law. Despite its relatively small size, Tunisia’s feminist movement has taken on controversial issues such as domestic violence, sexual rights, equal inheritance, mixed marriages, and women in political leadership roles (Moghadam 2019). A 2019 study by the Sanaʾa Center for Strategic Studies on the impact of the crisis on gender roles showed that while attitudes toward women’s work are changing, questions remain on the sustainability of this economic empowerment, especially because “shifts in household gender roles have been limited” and “women’s economic empowerment often was associated with a diminution of men’s status” (Al-Ammar, Patchett, and Shamsan 2019).The insights gleaned from interviews conducted for this study provide poignant reflections on the apprehensions harbored by Yemeni women regarding the permanence of these transformative changes. Many express trepidations about the prospect of reverting to traditional gender roles once the conflict subsides and worry about the precariousness of their hard-won gains in the face of uncertain futures. The looming specter of instability casts a shadow of doubt over the sustainability of women’s empowerment initiatives, underscoring the need for concerted efforts to fortify and institutionalize these advancements beyond the transient exigencies of conflict.In navigating the complexities of instability’s impact on women, it is imperative to prioritize the consolidation of women’s rights and agency as foundational pillars of sustainable peace and development. This entails not only safeguarding the gains made in women’s economic empowerment and political participation (Al-Sakkaf 2020) but also fostering an enabling environment conducive to the continued advancement of gender equality across all spheres of society. This could be done by strengthening civil society organizations and networks such as the Yemeni Women’s Union, the Women Solidarity Network, and the Yemeni Family Care Association, among others. Furthermore, donor projects supporting female entrepreneurs and the facilitation of microcredit by monetary institutions must continue, in addition to carrying out awareness campaigns and showcasing active women with consolidated experiences of social movement activism as role models in government positions and elsewhere.In conclusion, while the strides made in women’s empowerment amid conflict are commendable, especially among women from conservative communities, they must be accompanied by protection measures from backlash and by sustained social and political efforts to institutionalize and safeguard these advancements in the long term. By addressing the structural barriers and systemic inequalities that perpetuate gender-based discrimination and violence, Yemeni society can pave the way for a future where women’s rights are upheld and women’s voices are heard as equal partners in the journey toward peace and prosperity.