Variation in fine phonetic detail can modulate the outcome of sound change: The case of stop gradation and laryngeal contrast implementation in Jutland Danish

• The exact phonetic implementation of laryngeal contrast can modulate sound change. • This is true even within ’aspirating’ varieties. • Voice onset time and voicing probability systematically covary in Danish dialects. • VOT and voicing in turn covary with historical lenition patterns. This paper provides evidence for the assumption that the precise phonetic implementation of laryngeal contrast in obstruents can have an influence on higher order linguistic structure. Traditional varieties of Jutland Danish – which are all broadly ‘aspirating’ varieties – are used as a case study. The paper shows that the precise implementation of the aspirated–unaspirated contrast in stops varied systematically in these varieties, and that this covaries with the morphophonological process of stop gradation. Stop gradation is a lenition process which is historically found in the entire Danish-speaking area, but with quite varying outcomes, which were mapped extensively by dialectologists more than a century ago. Using a large legacy corpus of sociolinguistic interviews from the 1970s, this study shows that more sonorous outcomes of stop gradation covary with higher rates of continuous closure voicing in /b d g/ and shorter aspiration in /p t k/, and vice versa for less sonorous outcomes of stop gradation.