Head-NP raising analysis of Korean relative clauses

There are three approaches to the structure and derivation of Korean relative clauses, among which the no-relative (NR) approach claims that no operator is involved and that the gap in the clause is not a variable but rather a pronominal as in a canonical Korean sentence. The other two approaches assume the involvement of a null operator. They differ from each other on the issue of whether a null operator moves. In this paper, we claim that the movement approach is on the correct track. However, departing from earlier studies that have ascribed the movement to a null operator. we assert that a Korean relative clause undergoes two-step movement: First, a DP including a head NP moves into the relative clause